AN OPEN LETTER TO THE CONGRESS

Hon. Dennis Hastert
Speaker of the House of Representatives
H-232 U.S. Capitol
Washington, D.C. 20515

Hon. Trent Lott
Majority Leader
S-230 U.S. Capitol
Washington, D.C. 20515

Dear Speaker Hastert and Senator Lott:

In recent days, proponents of granting China Permanent Normal Trade Relations (PNTR) status have asserted that the failure by Congress to do so would harm U.S. national security. As individuals who have devoted much of our professional lives to providing for and safeguarding America’s security and vital interests, we believe this assertion to be incorrect — possibly dangerously so.

In our judgment, the Nation ignores at its peril threatening Chinese rhetoric and behavior. For example, PRC leaders and official publications routinely refer to the United States as “the main enemy.” They have threatened “long-distance missile strikes” against American cities if the U.S. interferes with China’s coercion of Taiwan. Beijing is using some of the hard currency it is garnering from trade and financial dealings with the United States to acquire ominous weaponry, such as Russian-built Sovremenny-class destroyers — ships whose nuclear-capable SS-N-22 “Sunburn” missiles were specifically designed to attack American carrier battle groups.

In December, China’s Defense Minister General Chi Haotian told a meeting of senior officers of the People’s Liberation Army that China needs to prepare for an “inevitable” war of several years duration to break American “hegemony” in East Asia. A few months earlier, the Central Military Commission of the Communist Party circulated to all PLA bases and garrisons a document in which it declared, “The strategic superiority which can be claimed by the U.S. is close to zero. It does not even enjoy a sure advantage in terms of the foreseeable scale of war and the high-tech content which can be applied to combat….After the first strategic strike, the U.S. forces will be faced with weaponry and logistic problems, providing us with opportunities for major offensives and to win large battles.”

Such statements and actions suggest that the Chinese today, like the Japanese sixty years ago, put great faith in the ability of a materially weaker challenger to defeat a major power which looks stronger, but which they believe has become decadent and irresolute in the use of power. If Beijing is poised to make the same mistake that Tokyo made in 1941, it would cost this country dearly to prove them wrong should it come to a war the Chinese apparently expect and for which they are preparing. A firm American stand now would likely avoid miscalculation later, boost deterrence and, therefore, promote peace in the Western Pacific and East Asia.

Toward that end, we believe that the annual debate on our China policy mandated by current law should not be eliminated at present. It should, instead, be expanded to place international economic ties in the larger context of American national security policy and interests in Asia.

The PRC clearly does not want this yearly debate to occur, which is why granting PNTR at this time, in the face of myriad threats from China, is likely to be interpreted by Beijing as an act of appeasement. If so, far from enhancing U.S. security, a vote for PNTR under present circumstances would only intensify the threat Communist China will pose.

We believe that, under present and foreseeable circumstances, China’s trade status and behavior should continue to be subjected to a formal annual review. In addition, the United States must retain the ability to take whatever measures are deemed necessary to prevent the transfer of technology, capital and other resources to Beijing that could ultimately help threaten U.S. security and American lives. We strongly urge Congress to reject any China NTR or WTO-related legislation that does not contain such safeguards.

General Robert H. Barrow, USMC (Ret.)
former Commandant, U.S. Marine Corps

General J.B. Davis, USAF (Ret.)
former Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe

Diana Denman
former Co-Chair, U.S. Peace Corps Advisory Council

Adm. Leon A. ‘Bud’ Edney, USN (Ret.)
former Supreme Allied Commander, Atlantic

Major Gen. Vincent E. Falter, USA (Ret.)
former Deputy to the Assistant Secretary of Defense for Atomic Energy

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.
President, Center for Security Policy and former Acting Assistant Secretary of Defense

Hon. William R. Graham
former Director of the Office of Science and Technology Policy and Science Advisor to President Reagan

James T. Hackett
former Acting Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency

Adm. Kinnaird McKee, USN (Ret.)
former Director, Naval Nuclear Propulsion

Lieutenant General Thomas H. Miller USMC (Ret.)
former Deputy Chief of Staff for Aviation, Headquarters U.S. Marine Corps

Gen. Carl Mundy, USMC (Ret.)
former Commandant, U.S. Marine Corps

Major Gen. J. Milnor Roberts, USA (Ret.)
former Chief of Army Reserve

General Glenn K. Otis, USA (Ret.)
former Commander-in-Chief, U.S. Army, Europe

General John L. Piotrowski USAF (Ret.)
former Commander, U.S. Space Command and Vice Chief of Staff, U.S. Air Force

Hon. Roger W. Robinson, Jr.
former Senior Director, International Economic Policy, National Security Council

Major Gen. John K. Singlaub, USA (Ret.)
former Chief of Staff, U.S. Forces Korea

Hon. Gerald B. H. Solomon
former Member of the U.S. House of Representatives

Gen. Donn A. Starry, USA (Ret.)
former Commander, U.S. Army Readiness Command

Hon. James H. Webb, Jr.
former Secretary of the Navy

General Joseph J. Went, USMC (Ret.)
former Assistant Commandant, U.S. Marine Corps

General Louis H. Wilson, USMC (Ret.)
former Commandant, U.S. Marine Corps