Tag Archives: Defense Budget & Expenditures

National Security Policy Proceedings, vol. 5: Spring 2011

National Security Policy Proceedings, vol. 5 – Spring 2011 (Web)

This is the fifth issue of the Center for Security Policy’s National Security Policy Proceedings, a new quarterly journal. It is available in paperback at Amazon.com for $8.00.

From Ben Lerner’s Editor’s Note:

National Security Policy Proceedings represents the Center’s compilation of transcripts of remarks given by featured speakers at these gatherings. In some cases, speakers have chosen to submit their remarks to Proceedings as original articles. Additionally, Pro- ceedings includes book reviews of recently published national security-themed books, reviewed by eminent scholars in the field.

In publishing Proceedings, the Center has sought to provide the reader with authoritative yet accessible commentary on the most pressing issues of national security, foreign affairs, defense policy, and homeland security. Because the speakers and those in atten- dance are routinely in contact with one another and are often col- laborating on analytical and educational efforts, it is our intention that Proceedings give the reader a unique window into how those in the national security policy community convey and exchange ideas with one another, among friends and colleagues.

 

National Security Policy Proceedings

Vol. 5: Spring 2011

 

 

 

Order the book at
Amazon
now.

 

Download the PDF

BEN LERNER
Editor’s Note

MICHELLE VAN CLEAVE Wikileaks: Damage and Remedies

JEFF KUETER
The Obama Administration in Space

TED R. BROMUND
The Flaws of the Ottawa Convention

MACKENZIE EAGLEN
The Dangers of Shredding the Defense Budget

MARK A. GROOMBRIDGE
Countering the Ongoing North Korea Threat

DAVID SATTER
The Nature of the Russian Regime

SARAH STERN
The Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt: The View from Israel

GORDON G. CHANG
China Now Rules the Waves

CLARE M. LOPEZ
Revolution in Middle Earth: Towards Catastrophe or Democracy?

TOM BLAU
The Public Diplomacy Void

 

Center Urges Rejection Of Proposed $700 Billion In Defense Cuts

Washington, DC; July 7, 2011: Media reports today indicate that national security spending could be cut by as much as $700 billion as part of a deal on the debt limit – almost twice the amount originally proposed by President Obama.

The Center for Security Policy believes such cuts are antithetical to the time-tested practice President Reagan called “Peace through Strength.” It is the height of irresponsibility to commit to reductions of that magnitude without a proper analysis of how they would be apportioned and to what effect.  That would be true in a world less perilous than today’s; it will be even more true if, as has been the case in the past, massive Pentagon defunding of this kind invites aggression by the myriad dangerous foes whose emergence will make tomorrow’s even more perilous.

In response to the proposed $700 billion in cuts, Frank J. Gaffney, Jr., President of the Center for Security Policy remarked:

President Obama’s own Secretary of Defense, Robert Gates, warned that $400 billion slashed from Pentagon funding over the next 12 years could result in ‘in a hollowing out of the force from a lack of proper training, maintenance and equipment and manpower.’ That being the case, it is safe to say that $700 billion in cuts over the same time period would be simply disastrous — significantly diminishing America’s ability to defend itself, while emboldening its enemies.

Treating investments in national defense as indistinguishable from lower priority types of government spending invites otherwise avoidable wars – whose costs in national treasure and, more importantly, in lives needlessly lost would make the problem of today’s national debt pale by comparison. America’s deficit is surely a cause for concern.  But it cannot be safely alleviated by actions that have the effect of undercutting the national security and jeopardizing the safety of the American people.”

 

Gates turns off the lights

I have been in Washington now for nearly forty years and, in all that time, I can’t recall seeing anything quite like Robert Gates’ ongoing farewell to arms.

In a series of speeches over the past few days – at Notre Dame, at the American Enterprise Institute and at the Naval Academy – the outgoing Secretary of Defense has sounded a series of warnings that the ship of state, or at least the carrier battle group that protects it, is headed for the rocks. 

That is surely so.  But, welcome as his alarm is, the course is one Mr. Gates has largely charted himself.  Of late, President Obama has simply ordered "full steam ahead," with encouragement from some in both parties on Capitol Hill.

Secretary Gates has particularly warned against a "hollowing out" of the military, a not-so-implicit criticism of the $400 billion Mr. Obama has announced that he intends to cut from Pentagon accounts.  This reduction would come on top of the roughly $178 billion already being excised by the Gates team.

In so doing, Mr. Gates recalls the mistake made twice during my decades in this town – first by Presidents Ford and Carter, then by Presidents Bush ’41 and Clinton:  Yielding to the ever-present-temptation to meet contemporary budgetary exigencies by cutting the nation’s investment in its armed forces, leaving them without the modern equipment, realistic training, adequately sized forces, up-to-date facilities and development of the future technologies needed to deter and, if deterrence fails, to prevail in tomorrow’s wars. 

It took an immensely expensive buildup under Ronald Reagan to rectify the first of these perilous mistakes.  Thanks in part to the Gates legacy, the second has still not been remedied.  The effect has been to condemn the armed services – currently in the midst of three far-flung military campaigns – to an unwise and unsustainable reliance for the foreseeable future on obsolescing tanks, ships, aircraft and missiles purchased during the Reagan years (if not before).

A couple of examples illustrate the problem we already have, let alone what will come if President Obama has his way:

In his recent speeches, Secretary Gates has emphasized the need to modernize the military’s various air forces with the F-35, a "stealthy" fifth-generation aircraft that has run into production delays and increased costs.  The risks associated with the attendant slowing-down of deliveries of this plane have been greatly compounded by Mr. Gates’ insistence on the premature shutting down of the production line for the far more capable F-22 – one of 30 Pentagon modernization programs he has eviscerated.  

The effect of falling for the old bird-in-the-bush gambit was predictable (and predicted):  They are never as good, cheap or readily available as we are told they will be. Worse yet, as the Washington Times’ Bill Gertz reported in his "Inside the Ring" column last week, senior officers are now warning that, as a result, we are ominously ill-prepared to contend with growing challenges to our historic air superiority from Communist China.

Mr. Gates says President Obama’s projected cuts will preclude the modernization of two legs of our strategic "Triad."   For those who share the Commander-in-Chief’s zeal for the U.S. leading the way to "a world without nuclear weapons," the accelerating atrophying of our land-based missile and bomber forces is not only of no concern; it is a desirable thing.  For the rest of us who worry about the wisdom of America being the only nuclear power (actual or wannabe) that is systematically engaged in denuclearization, however, the prospect of a future strategic "Monad" is alarming.

The Defense Secretary is rightly concerned about the ability of an all-volunteer force to continue to maintain the operational tempos that have characterized the past decade.  Regrettably, the military may confront no-less-daunting requirements in the next decade, too, especially if enemy perceptions that the United States "lost" Iraq and/or Afghanistan translate into expensive new conflicts.  Cut the numbers of troops in the Army and Marines, cut their pay andbenefits – both of which Mr. Gates says are in prospect if the President has his way with the Pentagon budget – and that problem becomes infinitely worse.

That could be the effect, as well, if Mr. Gates and outgoing Joint Chiefs Chairman Admiral Michael Mullen certify before leaving office that the military is ready to accept avowed homosexuals.  Both have pushed hard for this top Obama agenda item; both know the President wants to get this done in time for June’s Lesbian-Gay-Bisexual-Transgender Month festivities. 

Yet, both men must appreciate that their successors should be allowed to take a fresh, hard look at the impact this action will actually have on readiness, unit cohesion and retention.  Such would be the case especially if that it proves to be as bad as careful analysis of the data predicts – particularly among the combat arms.  In that event, the contribution made during Mr. Gates’ tenure at the Pentagon to the hollowing-out of the armed forces will be even more severe.

Mr. Gates’ warnings about the Obama agenda are indeed welcome.   One can only wish he had done less to enable it to date, and pray that he does not make matters worse still before leaving office four weeks from now.

 

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. is President of the Center for Security Policy (www.SecureFreedom.org), a columnist for the Washington Times and host of the nationally syndicated program, Secure Freedom Radio, heard in Washington weeknights at 9:00 p.m. on WRC 1260 AM.

 

McKeon: Saving defense from defense savings

Yesterday, Rep. Howard "Buck" McKeon (R-CA), Chairman of the House Armed Services Committee, delivered remarks at the Heritage Foundation reminding us that even as federal spending comes under long overdue scrutiny in Washington DC, it would be a catastrophic mistake to throw our armed forces onto the chopping block given the burdens they are shouldering to keep us safe in these dangerous times.

And on the chopping block they will be if President Obama has his way.  The President is proposing cuts in defense spending to the tune of $400 billion through fiscal year 2023, going far beyond cuts sought by Defense Secretary Robert Gates.

But as Chairman McKeon pointed out, asking our men and women in uniform to take on even more with even less is unconscionable:

"I commend the President for his leadership on the Bin Laden operation. But his leadership in other key areas has been scarce. It’s my sense that White House defense decisions are putting this great Republic on the fast track for decline. The logic has been simply baffling to me: expand our military commitments while cutting our armed forces.

That, ladies and gentlemen, is a recipe for disaster and decline."

And just how bad are the President’s proposals?

"As Commander-in-Chief, President Obama should share my concern about staving off American decline. If he does, they are not reflected in his policies. As we prosecute three tough wars in the Middle East and humanitarian relief in Japan, as we rely on weapon systems long past their prime, as we learn about new threats to our way of life daily, President Obama has announced plans to shrink our military that can only be described as historic.

Twenty major weapon systems have been cut since he took office. More are on the chopping block. We anticipate losing thousands of soldiers and Marines – that one really concerns me. The Navy’s fleet is almost half of what it was twenty years ago. The Air Force is flying airplanes with an average age of thirty years.

With equipment that is falling apart and a war entering its tenth year, the strain on the troops -our most precious resource– can only be described as severe."

As Chairman McKeon acknowledges, there will likely be cost savings that can be reasonably implemented at the Department of Defense.  But to the extent that such savings are identified, they should be put right back into defending the nation, not redirected towards social programs and pet rocks:

"Cutting military items wholesale, given the challenges I’ve laid out, is irresponsible and dangerous. But let’s be honest, in a five hundred and thirty billion dollar defense budget, there’s going to be room for some savings. The Pentagon is going to need to do some housecleaning. That’s just the fiscal reality that we’re facing.

But, any savings that are identified by the Defense Department must go back into defense. Not to health care, not to social security, not to cowboy poetry — that’s a real one, by the way-and not to any other pet project the Obama Administration deems a higher priority than our security."

Our troops have made a commitment to us to put themselves in harm’s way to defend our nation.  Chairman McKeon deserves enormous credit for his efforts to ensure that we honor our commitment to them.  As we enter defense authorization season on Capitol Hill, let’s hope Congress and the President follow his lead.

Read the Chairman’s full remarks here.

National Security Policy Proceedings, vol. 4: Winter 2010

National Security Proceedings – Winter 2010

This is the fourth issue of the Center for Security Policy’s National Security Policy Proceedings, a new quarterly journal. It is available in paperback at Amazon.com for $8.00.

From Ben Lerner’s Editor’s Note:

National Security Policy Proceedings represents the Center’s compilation of transcripts of remarks given by featured speakers at these gatherings. In some cases, speakers have chosen to submit their remarks to Proceedings as original articles. Additionally, Pro- ceedings includes book reviews of recently published national security-themed books, reviewed by eminent scholars in the field.

In publishing Proceedings, the Center has sought to provide the reader with authoritative yet accessible commentary on the most pressing issues of national security, foreign affairs, defense policy, and homeland security. Because the speakers and those in atten- dance are routinely in contact with one another and are often col- laborating on analytical and educational efforts, it is our intention that Proceedings give the reader a unique window into how those in the national security policy community convey and exchange ideas with one another, among friends and colleagues.

 

 

National Security Policy Proceedings

Vol. 4: Winter 2010

 

 

Order the book at
Amazon
now

BEN LERNER
Editor’s Note

TEVI TROY
A Biopreparedness Primer

THOMAS DONNELLY
The Defense We Need

PETER PRY
The Danger of EMP

PETER BROOKES
China’s Military Rising

LISA CURTIS
US/Pakistan Relations

DAVID TRACHTENBERG
New Days, Old Way
A review of The New Nobility by Andrei Soldatov and Irina Borogan

SAMARA GREENBERG
Palestine’s Self-Inflicted Catastrophe
A review of Palestine Betrayed by Efram Karsh

KYLE SHIDELER
The Arab World’s Men in Washington
A review of The Arab Lobby by Mitchell Bard

 

Thank heaven for Victor Davis Hanson

In coming days, legislators on Capitol Hill will begin thrashing out a new Continuing Resolution needed to provide “stop-gap” funding for the government in the absence of the annual appropriations bills.  Perhaps in that context – and certainly in the budget deliberations that will follow the installation of the 112th Congress, a serious run will be made at cutting defense spending.

National Security Policy Proceedings, vol. 2: Summer 2010

National Security Policy Proceeding, vol. 2 – Summer 2010

This is the second issue of the Center for Security Policy’s National Security Policy Proceedings, a new quarterly journal.

From Ben Lerner’s Editor’s Note:

National Security Policy Proceedings represents the Center’s compilation of transcripts of remarks given by featured speakers at these gatherings. In some cases, speakers have chosen to submit their remarks to Proceedings as original articles. Additionally, Pro- ceedings includes book reviews of recently published national secu- rity-themed books, reviewed by eminent scholars in the field.

In publishing Proceedings, the Center has sought to provide the reader with authoritative yet accessible commentary on the most pressing issues of national security, foreign affairs, defense policy, and homeland security. Because the speakers and those in atten- dance are routinely in contact with one another and are often col- laborating on analytical and educational efforts, it is our intention that Proceedings give the reader a unique window into how those in the national security policy community convey and exchange ideas with one another, among friends and colleagues.

 

 

National Security Policy Proceedings

Vol. 2: Summer 2010

 

 

Click the cover above for a
PDF version.

 

 

 

 

 

 

Order the book at
Amazon
soon.

 

BEN LERNER
Editor’s Note

LEE SMITH
On The Strong Horse

MATTHEW R.J. BRODSKY
Syria & the Obama Administration

JAMES DANLY
Iraq on the Eve of Elections

JOSHUA LONDON
The Legacy of Piracy & International Security

MACKENZIE EAGLEN
& BAKER SPRING
Dangers of the Obama Arms Control Agenda

JON PERDUE
On Our Southen Border

THOMAS JOSCELYN
The ‘Grand Jihad’ Continues
A review of The Grand Jihad by Andrew C. McCarthey

PAUL ROSENZWEIG
Federalism & Our Security
A review of Homeland Security & Federalism: Protecting America from Outside the Beltway by Matt A. Mayer

J.D. GORDON
Correcting Flawed Recent History
A review of Courting Disaster by Marc Thiessen

SEBASTIAN GORKA
Why 9/11?
A review of The Closing of the Muslim Mind by Robert R. Reilly

 

 

Cruising for a bruising?

Secretary of Defense Robert M. Gates, speaking at the annual Navy League Exposition on May 3, gave well-deserved recognition to the dedicated men and women of the sea services who are brilliantly meeting their global responsibilities, whether at sea or land in Iraq and Afghanistan. The secretary then proceeded to lay the groundwork for major changes for the Navy’s – and the country’s – future.

He went on to point out the overwhelming superiority of the Navy-Marine Corps team against a litany of state forces. He acknowledged that the United States has global commitments and responsibilities. Yet, he went on to question the need for this superiority in light of the asymmetrical threats we face now and in the future.

The secretary acknowledged the critical role the Navy has played in preventing major wars, projecting power and protecting critical sea lines of communication. In any contingency situation, the first question asked by every president is, "Where are the carriers?" He went on to state that we cannot let these core capabilities and skill sets atrophy through distraction and neglect.

The secretary stated that the future of our maritime services will ultimately depend less on the quality of our hardware than on the quality of their leaders. Nice words, but this approach lays the groundwork for future budget cuts. There is no question our forces must have the farsighted leadership we had in the past but those leaders were successful, in part, because we provided them with the best equipment and technology available.

The fact that the secretary points out that we have 11 nuclear-powered carrier battle groups compared to the fact that no other country has even one is irrelevant. We have these forces to meet our global responsibility. We do not build carriers to fight carriers. The Battle of Midway is over.

Not mentioned by the secretary is the fact that China is aggressively building a conventional power projection navy that by the 2020s will have multiple aircraft carriers, perhaps with advanced fifth-generation fighters and a significant amphibious force. It has also built nuclear-powered ballistic missile and attack submarines. Not to be overlooked is the fact that Russia is modernizing its forces. It appears the Obama administration simply wishes to ignore these looming threats.

I agree with the secretary that the U.S. Navy, even with declining force levels, remains the dominant naval power today, but we have to prepare for the future. This is where the Navy is at a critical junction with its proposed ship-building plan. The secretary argues that long-range, anti-ship cruise and ballistic missiles could put $15-billion carriers at risk. (Note that we have in hand today the capability to pre-empt this threat with the anti-ballistic-missile-equipped Zumwalt-class destroyer). He goes on to state that we will also face a sophisticated submarine threat – all of which could end the sanctuary we have enjoyed in the Western Pacific for six decades.

The Department of Defense must be a good steward of the taxpayers’ dollars; however, this has not always been the case. As an example, the secretary cites the Zumwalt DDG-1000 destroyers. He states that the price of this ship had more than doubled from original estimates. This is not unusual for a "first of kind" ship that is being built from the keel up to be stealthy, accommodate the latest dual-band radars and has significant growth potential for the future. This ship is currently on cost and on schedule and if equipped with an ABM capability, could pre-empt China’s anti-ship ballistic missile.

On the other hand, the secretary failed to mention the skyrocketing cost of the 30-year-old-design Arleigh Burke DDG-51 restart program, which has been endorsed as the way to meet current and future threats. I understand the cost for the first restart DDG-51 is now around $3 billion and will have only a minimal ABM capability. Most importantly, this ship will only have a "half-ship life," because it has no growth potential to meet future threats and will have to be replaced in 15 years, which the Navy cannot afford to do. The true cost of the restart DDG-51 is an unknown.

The secretary touts the advantages of the Littoral Combat Ship (LCS) as a versatile ship that go places too shallow for the Navy’s blue-water ships. However, he fails to mention that the ship was suppose to be stealthy (which it isn’t) and cost only $220 million – but that cost has more than tripled to about $750 million. At the end of the day, you have a ship that can’t defend itself, even against a Hezbollah-fired scud missile. As I have said previously, this program should be terminated as a failed experiment and the Navy should join with the Coast Guard in a common hull.

Mr. Gates mentioned we need to embrace new strategies and options on how we operate in the future. With declining force levels in the past, we used overseas home exporting as a force multiplier. With China expanding, its scope of operations to include the Indian Ocean, we should consider homeporting a carrier battle group in Western Australia at Fremantle. We looked at this possibility in 1986-87 and found it to be very feasible.

The secretary has laid the ground work for major changes in how the Navy will operate in the future. However, there is still time to make sensible course corrections. I am sure for his legacy, the secretary does not want to be remembered as the secretary who scuttled the U.S. Navy.

 

Retired Navy Adm. James A. Lyons was commander in chief of the U.S. Pacific Fleet and senior U.S. military representative to the United Nations. He is the Chairman of the Center’s Military Committee.

Why not the best?

For years, presidents of both parties have pledged to ensure that America fields a military second to none.  A successful test last week of a truly transformative technology affords Barack Obama an opportunity to help make that pledge a reality.  Unless Mr. Obama swiftly orders the Pentagon to change course on the remarkable Airborne Laser Test Bed (ALTB) program, however, his legacy on defense preparedness will be one of empty rhetoric and increased danger for our country.

The Airborne Laser program is a direct descendent of Ronald Reagan’s visionary  Strategic Defense Initiative (SDI), with its exploration of various means of intercepting and destroying ballistic missiles – including lasers and other "directed energy" techniques.  Given the state of the art at the time, critics scoffed at the idea that these exotic, speed-of-light weapons could ever be made to work.  The late Sen. Edward Kennedy exemplified this view when he dismissively dubbed the SDI program "Star Wars."

Today, however, it is the critics who look ridiculously shortsighted.  Thanks to two decades of intensive research and development and an investment of roughly $5 billion, America’s aerospace industry has achieved an extraordinary feat of science and engineering.  They have successfully married a Boeing 747 airframe with three chemical lasers: a low-power system used for tracking a missile early in its flight; a second, low-energy laser that measures and calculates adjustments needed to compensate for atmospheric conditions; and a third, megawatt-class high energy laser that uses the others’ data to destroy the missile by using its heat to induce structural failure.

The ALTB successfully performed this feat not once but twice on February 11, taking out first a short-range liquid-fueled missile and then a solid-fueled one representative of the sorts of threats emerging notably from North Korea and Iran.  Importantly, these intercepts took place during the boost-phase – a capability that means the missile and its deadly payload could be destroyed over the territory of a would-be attacker.  That potentially devastating prospect may serve as a further disincentive to a hostile power’s launching the missile in the first place.

At a time when the Obama administration is rushing anti-missile defenses systems to the Persian Gulf in the face of intensifying regional concerns about Iran’s ballistic missiles, one could be forgiven for thinking that every effort would be made to bring to bear the Airborne Laser system’s ability to perform boost-phase intercepts. Unfortunately, that is not the case.

Far from contemplating the early deployment of the ALTB, the Fiscal Year 2011 defense budget recently submitted to Congress by the Obama administration eliminates any further preparation of the platform as a weapon system.  It will be confined, instead, to development and testing of laser technologies.

To be sure, the ALTB is not an operational weapon; it is a test-bed that has been painstakingly prepared to conduct certain experiments, not to deal with the myriad vicissitudes of war-fighting. Still, as Riki Ellison of the Missile Defense Advocacy Alliance pointed out last week, "The Airborne Laser is similar in some ways to the development of the Joint Stars 707 aircraft that was thrust into the [first] Iraq war as a test bed version and has become a tremendously useful military asset that is deployed in numbers today, providing sophisticated surveillance and tracking on the ground from the air."

The effective cashiering of the Airborne Laser fits a pattern of Obama defense procurement decisions with respect to advanced weaponry that is needed to provide our forces the qualitative edge upon which their mission success – and perhaps their lives and ours – may depend.  For example, production has been halted on the world’s best fighter aircraft, the F-22, well short of abiding Air Force requirements. Construction of stealthy, modern Zumwalt-class destroyers has been truncated in favor of additional purchases of ships with far more limited capability first designed 30 years ago. Defense Secretary Robert Gates will try once again to persuade Congress to stop further acquisition of the nation’s only long-range, heavy airlifter, the C-17. And a succession of needed replacements for obsolescing weapon systems will remain right where they are: on the drawing boards.

Curiously, these actions are being taken at the same time as the Pentagon’s new Quadrennial Defense Review (QDR) does, in the words of the top Republican on the House Armed Services Committee, Rep. Howard "Buck" McKeon, "an excellent job of delineating the threat posed by those with anti-access capabilities – notably, China." Mr. McKeon goes on, though, to observe that the QDR "does little to address the risk resulting from the gaps in funding, capability and force structure." In fact, the budget submitted by Defense Secretary Gates is explicitly focused on fighting more of today’s wars (that is, low-intensity counter-insurgency operations), rather than contending with peer competitors.

The bottom line is simple: No other nation on earth capable of fielding the Airborne Laser, the F-22 and the other advanced weapons now on the Obama administration’s chopping block would willingly abandon them.  That is especially true of those hostile to freedom, which will strive to acquire through purchase, theft and/or their own efforts similar capabilities to those we are giving up.  We engage in such unilateral disarmament at our extreme peril – both to the forces who truly need to be second to none as they fight the nation’s wars, and to the rest of us whom they thereby seek to safeguard. 

 

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. is President of the Center for Security Policy, a columnist for the Washington Times and host of the nationally syndicated program, Secure Freedom Radio.

Murtha axes military information operations for FY2010

Congressman John Murtha, the powerful House Appropriations Defense Subcommittee chairman, has cut out more than half of President Obama’s fiscal year 2010 budget for military information operations (IO) and has singled out specific programs that he demands be terminated. He is also demanding that the Pentagon give Congress a real strategy and explanation of military IO before any funds be authorized for spending.

While the military strongly needs such prodding by Congress to help it focus on more effective strategies and tactics in IO, I’m worried that Rep. Murtha is cutting too deeply and too quickly. Reforms are absolutely needed, but the issue really has to be discussed in detail first, and given careful consideration. According to House Appropriations Committee report language apparently written by Murtha’s office:

[President Obama’s] budget request includes nearly one billion dollars for Department of Defense information operations (IO) programs. The Committee has serious concerns about not only the significant amount of funding being spent on these programs, but more importantly, about the Department’s assumption of this mission area within its rules and responsibilities. Much of the content of what is being produced, and certainly some of the largest cost drivers in these programs, is focused so far beyond a traditional military information operation that the term non-traditional military information operation does not justly apply. At face value, much of what is being produced appears to be United States Military, and more alarmingly non-military propaganda, public relations, and behavioral modification messaging. The Committee questions the effectiveness of much of the material being produced with this funding, the supposed efforts to minimize target audience knowledge of United States Governmental sponsorship of certain production materials, and the ability of the Department to evaluate the impact of these programs.

It’s tempting to try to explain Murtha’s objections as knee-jerk opposition to the US military mission, or, perhaps, to the relative lack of Information Operations money being “invested” in the congressman’s district.

However, some of Murtha’s criticism appears justified, and this is the fault of the Department of Defense. For example, the congressional report says that the Pentagon has made “woefully inadequate” justifications for the budget request, which has grown from $9 million in FY2005 to $988 million in FY2010.

More damningly, Murtha’s staff writes, “the [Defense] Department’s response to attempts by the Committee to obtain a meaningful explanation of funding for these programs clearly indicates that Departmental oversight of these efforts is disorganized, and that a thorough understanding of their scope within the Department’s leadership is incomplete.”

Unfortunately, based on my experience, I have to agree.

However, I do not agree with Murtha’s objection to military IO’s broad expansion in “non-traditional” areas – in this case, the military is entirely correct in the direction it’s taking. It’s the vision and execution that’s the problem, and the failure to keep Congress informed. This is a throwing-out-baby-with-bathwater problem. Murtha now wants to axe big parts of military IO, even though he doesn’t really understand the concept himself.

His report continues, “The Committee believes that the Department of Defense, and the Combatant Commands which drive the demand for information operations, need to reevaluate IO requirements in the context of the roles and missions of the United States military along with consideration for the inherent capabilities of the military and the funding available to meet these requirements.” No problem there. However, Murtha says he is gutting more than half of the requested IO budget before that reevaluation is done, with his staff deciding which programs the Pentagon should eliminate immediately:

“In support of this evaluation, the Committee has determined that many of the ongoing IO activities for which fiscal year 2010 funding is requested should be terminated immediately. The programs for which funding is specifically denied are identified in the classified annex to this report. Accordingly, the Committee has reduced requested funding for information operation programs in the various Service appropriations accounts in which they have requested by a total of $500,000,000.”

But wait – there’s more. Murtha is nit-picking the war effort, and wants the Pentagon to write its entire IO vision, strategy and programming into a single document for Congress – a document that invariably will be leaked to the press. The report continues:

“Of the remaining funds provided for information operations, the Committee directs that no funds shall be obligated or expended until 30 days after the Secretary of Defense submits a report to the Committee on Appropriations of the House of Representatives and the Senate of the Department’s IO programs. This report should encompass the period from fiscal years 2005 through 2010 and include all Department of Defense information operation programs for which base budget, supplemental, or overseas contingency operation funds have been appropriated or requested. The report shall include: program strategies, target audiences, goals, and measures of effectiveness; budget exhibits at the appropriations account and sub-activity level; spend plans (including positions and other direct costs); and production and dissemination mechanisms and locations. The report shall include an annex for the inclusion of necessary explanatory and supporting classified information. The Secretary shall submit this report in writing not later than 180 days after enactment of this Act.”

Meanwhile, Murtha will have military information operations put on hold around the world until he gets his report.

There’s no question that such a re-evaluation of IO is in order, and no question that much of the current programming has often been poorly conceived, poorly executed, and wasteful. Lots of reforms are in order. But Murtha’s nitpick-with-a-machete approach isn’t going to help. Congress has to come up with a more mature and sophisticated way of addressing the issue.