Tag Archives: George W Bush

Democratic defeatism

Decision Brief                                       No. 06-D 38                     2006-08-07


(Washington, D.C.): Suddenly, the Democrats have found their voice on Iraq. It is the sound of defeatism.


Would-be Speaker Nancy Pelosi, Senate Minority Leader Harry Reid and ten of their colleagues in leadership positions have proclaimed that it is time to begin withdrawing U.S. forces from Iraq . They want to start by the end of the year, without regard for the conditions on the ground. And they want all American troops out by some unspecified time, without regard for the consequences that would follow such a retreat.


Among those who have endorsed what might be called “the Contract for Defeat” is the putative front-runner for the 2008 Democratic presidential nomination, Sen. Hillary Rodham Clinton. Mindful of the ascendant power within her party of anti-war activists evident in their vicious campaign to unseat former Vice Presidential standard-bearer and three-term Senator Joe Lieberman, this one-time supporter of the liberation of Iraq is becoming increasingly strident in her criticism of the war and those responsible for it. Last week, she triangulated her way to the head of the parade of those hoping to make Secretary of Defense Donald Rumsfeld a scapegoat for the Iraqis’ difficulties and demanding his resignation.


The ‘Cycle of Violence’


There is a certain irony here. Arguably, whatever mistakes Don Rumsfeld might have made – or were made by others on his watch – that are contributing to the present violence in Iraq pale by comparison with the effect Democratic defeatism is having on the so-called “insurgents.”


Think about it: Our Islamofascist enemies and their allies are convinced that they can defeat us politically. The means by which they seek to do that is by producing a steady stream of bloodletting and mayhem. The results are then incessantly beamed into American living rooms by mainstream media transparently hostile to President Bush and his Iraq campaign.


Then, Democratic critics (and, in fairness, a few Republican politicians – like Sen. Chuck Hagel – who have figured out that it is more fun, or at least more conducive to favorable press reviews, to talk and occasionally vote like an anti-Bush Democrat) seize upon the suicide bombings in Iraq as proof that success there is impossible. Therefore, they solemnly intone, we should stop wasting lives and treasure trying to achieve it.


It is hard to imagine a greater incentive to more attacks against Iraqi civilians, security personnel, government officials and their families – and, yes, against our own and other Coalition forces. Call it the “cycle of violence.”


To be sure, the fact that the opportunities continue to exist for such attacks is not necessarily the fault of the critics. They and, for that matter, supporters of the war effort can legitimately feel frustration that the “security situation in Iraq” (as it is euphemistically known) has not been stabilized before now in Baghdad and other persistent areas of insurgent activity.


That said, it is virtually impossible in any but the most totalitarian of societies to prevent determined people from inflicting casualties on targets of opportunity, particularly when such people are willing to kill themselves in the process. But we must also hold accountable those who are, in effect, rewarding our enemies for engaging in such behavior by translating the latters’ murderous actions into the realization of political objectives.


Defeatism’s Ripple Effect


Unfortunately, Democratic defeatism is not only encouraging our enemies in Iraq . Since that conflict is but one front in a far larger, indeed global war (one best described as the War for the Free World), those insisting that we cut our losses with respect to Iraq are also fueling dynamics elsewhere that are likely to give rise to a number of other, deeply problematic strategic outcomes.


One need look no farther than the Mideast ‘s other flashpoint du jour: the conflict in Lebanon between the Free World’s outpost in the region, Israel , and Hezbollah. Even though nearly all Democrats have expressed support for Israel’s efforts to neutralize this virulent terrorist organization, they cannot escape a grim reality: The Democrats’ incessant, partisan efforts to undermine President Bush’s authority that are diminishing the prospects for victory in Iraq are also weakening his Administration’s ability to resist mostly foreign pressure to adopt a more neutral stance vis a vis the Jewish State in the midst of its death-struggle with our common, Islamofascist enemies.


Terrorists in the Fertile Crescent are not the only ones attuned to the perceived dissipation of domestic support for the fight for the future of Iraq . The Iranian and Syrian regimes, which take pride in having destabilized the nascent Iraqi democracy, have clearly been emboldened to precipitate and fuel a second front in Lebanon.


American defeatism will breed still more setbacks if, as seems the case at the moment, freedom’s enemies get their way by inducing the Bush team to: impose a premature cease-fire on Israel; insert an international peacekeeping force that will surely prove to be hostile to the Jewish State and protective of her foes; and reward Hezbollah for its outrages by compelling the Israelis to cede to Lebanon strategic territory (dubbed “Shabaa Farms”) taken from Syria in the 1967.


The Bottom Line


Hard experience tells us that defeatism is an indulgence great nations cannot afford in time of war. Its full costs may not become apparent immediately. But the Free World, including the United States itself, will suffer grievously for encouraging our enemies’ conviction that we lack the will and resolve to stand with our friends when the going get gets tough.


 

On eve of Bolton re-nomination hearing, fifty-four

George Shultz, William Clark, James Woolsey, Max Kampelman, Senior Retired Military Officers among Signatories on Joint Letter to Sen. Lugar

(Washington, D.C.): As the Senate Foreign Relations Committee prepares to consider on Thursday the re-nomination of John Bolton as the U.S. Permanent Representative to the United Nation’s, a joint letter signed by a large number of America’s most accomplished defense and foreign policy practitioners urged support for the nominee, the Center for Security Policy announced today.

The signatories’ recommendation that Mr. Bolton be made "permanent" in his position is backed by the decades of experience in international affairs that they collectively have in service at the highest levels of the U.S. government. It parallels the endorsement the nominee has received from former Bolton critic and Foreign Relations Committee member, Senator George Voinovich. Sen. Voinovich recently declared: "For the good of our country, the United Nations and the Free World, we must end any ambiguity about whether John Bolton speaks for the United States so that he can work to support our interests at the United Nations during this critical time."

The bipartisan group’s letter makes two key points:

-"During the nearly twelve months since Mr. Bolton assumed his present responsibilities, he has been an effective advocate for America ‘s interests. He has striven to reform the United Nations so as to make it more accountable, transparent and effective as an institution. And he has managed to forge consensus on such topics as the Syrian occupation of Lebanon , North Korea ‘s ballistic missile programs and Iran ‘s nuclear ambitions."

-"The challenges now confronting the United States at the UN make it simply unthinkable that Ambassador Bolton’s service might come within the next few months to a premature end."

Frank J. Gaffney, Jr., a former senior Pentagon official and President of the Center for Security Policy, which circulated the joint letter, observed:

If there is reason for hope that the UN will prove capable in the future of improving upon its past, generally dismal record when it comes to dealing with the world’s ills, it lies in America being represented there by an exceptionally principled, articulate and energetic advocate for our cause. Today, we have such a representative in John Bolton. It is time for the Senate to make him truly our "permanent" one, with an early and resoundingly affirmative vote for Amb. Bolton ‘s re-nomination.

-30-

26 July 2006

Hon. Richard G. Lugar
Chairman, Senate Foreign Relations Committee
450 Senate Dirksen Office Building
Washington , D.C. 20510

Dear Mr. Chairman:

In April 2005, many of us sent you a joint letter strongly endorsing John Bolton to be the United States ‘ permanent representative at the United Nations. We did so in light of: Mr. Bolton’s past record of accomplishment; his long experience with the UN; his ability to get things done – even in difficult multilateral settings requiring considerable diplomatic skill; and the President’s confidence in his judgment and suitability for this assignment at a challenging moment for our country and the world.

We are delighted that, during the nearly twelve months since Mr. Bolton assumed his present responsibilities, he has fully vindicated this positive assessment. John has been an effective advocate for America ‘s interests. He has striven to reform the United Nations so as to make it more accountable, transparent and effective as an institution. And he has managed to forge consensus on such topics as the Syrian occupation of Lebanon , North Korea ‘s ballistic missile programs and Iran ‘s nuclear ambitions.

The challenges now confronting the United States at the UN make it simply unthinkable that Ambassador Bolton’s service might come within the next few months to a premature end. We commend President Bush for doing what he can to avoid such an unnecessary and undesirable outcome by renominating John and seeking anew his confirmation by the Senate.

We strongly concur with Senator George Voinovich’s declaration of support for Amb. Bolton ‘s re-nomination: "For the good of our country, the United Nations and the Free World, we must end any ambiguity about whether John Bolton speaks for the United States so that he can work to support our interests at the United Nations during this critical time."

We urge you and other members of the Senate to heed Sen. Voinovich’s call for the swift and decisive affirmation of John Bolton’s re-nomination. By so doing, the Senate will be ensuring that America continues to enjoy the representation it needs – and deserves – at the United Nations.

Please share this letter with your colleagues and include it in the record of the Foreign Relations Committee’s deliberations on the Bolton re-nomination.

Sincerely,

George P. Shultz, former Secretary of State; former Secretary of Treasury; former Secretary of Labor; former Director, Office of Management and Budget

William P. Clark, former National Security Advisor to the President; former Deputy Secretary of State

R. James Woolsey, former Director of Central Intelligence

Max M. Kampelman, Counselor to the Department of State; former Ambassador and Head of Delegation to the U.S.-Soviet START and Defense and Space Negotiations

Mr. Frank J. Gaffney, Jr., former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy (Designate); former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Nuclear Forces and Arms Control Policy

Otto J. Reich, former Special Envoy for Western Hemisphere Initiatives; former Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs; former Ambassador to Venezuela

Richard Perle, former Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Policy

Dr. Alan L. Keyes, former Assistant Secretary of State for International Organization Affairs; former Representative to the United Nations Economic and Social Council

Jed L. Babbin, former Deputy Undersecretary of Defense

Dr. Dov S. Zakheim, former Undersecretary of Defense (Comptroller); Deputy Under Secretary of Defense, Planning and Resources; Assistant Under Secretary of Defense, Policy and Resources

Christopher D. Lay, former Special Assistant to the Under Secretary of Defense for Policy

David J. Trachtenberg, former Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense (International Security Policy)

Charles M. Kupperman, former Special Assistant to the President; former Deputy Director of the Office of Administration, the White House; former Executive Director, General Advisory Committee on Arms Control and Disarmament, Arms Control and Disarmament Agency

Richard W. Carlson, former Ambassador to the Seychelles

Dr. Mark Albrecht, former Executive Secretary, National Space Council

Clark S. Judge, former Special Assistant and Speechwriter to President

Robert Turner, former Assistant Secretary of State for Legislative Affairs (Acting)

Harvey Feldman, former Ambassador to Papua New Guinea and the Solomon Islands; founding Director of the American Institute in Taiwan; Alternate Representative to the United Nations

Dr. Curtin Winsor, Jr., former Ambassador to Costa Rica

Douglas R. Graham, former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Senate Affairs; former Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Strategic Defense, Space and Verification Policy

James T. Hackett, former Acting Director of the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency

Tidal W. McCoy, former Acting Secretary of the Air Force; former Assistant Secretary of the Air Force

James B. Longley, Jr., former Member , U.S. House of Representatives

Phyllis Kaminsky, former Director, United Nations Information Center

Dr. John Lenczowski, former Director of Europe and Soviet Affairs, National Security Council

David Frum, former Speechwriter and Special Assistant to the President

Vice Admiral Robert R. Monroe USN (Ret.), former Director, Defense Nuclear Agency; former Director, Navy Research and Development

General John L. Piotrowski, USAF (Ret), former Commander-in-Chief, U.S. Space Command

Joshua Gilder, former Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary for Human Rights, Department of State

Dr. Dominic J. Monetta, former Assistant Secretary of Energy (designate), Office of New Production Reactors; former Director of Science and Technology, Office of the Secretary of Defense

Admiral Kinnaird R. McKee, USN (Ret), former Director of Navy Nuclear Propulsion

Richard Schifter, former Deputy Representative to the UN Security Council; former Assistant Secretary of State for Human Rights and Humanitarian Affairs

Herbert Romerstein, former Director, Office to Counter Soviet Disinformation, United States Information Agency

Vice Adm. E. A. Burkhalter, Jr., USN (Ret.), former Director, Intelligence Community Staff

Jason E. Bruzdzinski, former Professional Staff Member, House Armed Services Committee

Dr. Rand H. Fishbein, former Professional Staff Member, U.S. Senate Appropriations Committee

Roger W. Robinson, Jr., former Senior Director for International Economic Affairs, National Security Council

Marlin L. "Buzz" Hefti, former Principal Deputy Assistant Secretary of Defense for Research and Development

Maj. Gen. Robert Eaglet, USAF (Ret.), former Chief of Staff, Supreme Headquarters Allied Powers Europe, NATO

Carl Smith, former Staff Director, Senate Armed Services Committee

Michael A. Ledeen, former Special Advisor to the Secretary of State

Andrew C. McCarthy, former Chief Assistant U.S. Attorney, Southern District of New York

Major General Paul E. Vallely, USA (Ret.), former Deputy Commanding General, U.S. Army, Pacific

Admiral Leon A. Edney, USN (Ret.), former Commander, U.S. Atlantic Command; Supreme Allied Commander, Atlantic

CSM (Ret) Steven J. Greer, Senior Fellow, National Defense Council Foundation

Midge Decter, former Executive Director, Committee for the Free World

Michael Rubin, former Political Adviser, Coalition Provisional Authority ( Baghdad )

Morris Amitay, Foreign Service Officer (Ret.)

David Keene, Chairman, American Conservative Union

Eleana Gordon, Senior Vice President, Foundation for the Defense of Democracies

Dr. Laurie Mylroie, author

Cliff Kincaid, President, America ‘s Survival, Inc.

William Greene, RightMarch.com  

No territory for terrorists

Decision Brief                                       No. 06-D 35                    2006-07-17


(Washington, D.C.): Suddenly, the Middle East is embroiled in a war again. No, not the sort of low-level, terrorist attack-and-limited retaliation that has passed for “peace” in the Mideast for many years. This is a shooting war, with armies on the move; widespread air, artillery and missile attacks on military targets and civilian infrastructure; and the sizeable death, destruction and dislocation of refugees and foreign nationals that typifies a conflict that may yet become far-wider in scope.


Finding Fault


Naturally, there is an effort to assign blame for this state of affairs. The Bush Administration has parried international efforts to assign that blame to Israel by correctly noting that two terrorist organizations, Hamas and Hezbollah, launched the attacks and kidnappings of Israeli soldiers that set this war in motion.


The G-8 meeting over the weekend (which wound up being, as the diplomats say, “seized” with this matter to an unanticipated degree) blames what the joint communique calls “extremists.” That euphemism apparently allowed the various governments to assign blame to others, as well. These properly should include Iran and Syria , the states whose sponsorship – along with that of Saudi Arabia in at least the case of Hamas – is helping the two terrorist groups to grow in size and lethality.


Others, notably the UN’s Secretary General Kofi Annan, prefer a moral equivalence that places at least as much blame on Israel as on its enemies. Such sentiments are evident in calls for an immediate cease-fire – which President Bush has, to his credit, thus far strongly resisted. Unfortunately, the G-8 communique negotiated for the United States by Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs Nick Burns is sufficiently ambiguous on this point to allow some to claim that it does, in fact, demand a cease-fire.


Israel ‘s Deadly Errors


The truth of the matter is that the present conflict might have been avoided had successive Israeli administrations not allowed conditions to be created which made it inevitable. This is not the same thing as blaming Israel for responding to the recent provocations.


Rather, it is to say that Israel ‘s previous behavior – undertaken by Labor, Likud and Kadima-led governments alike, in the fatuous belief that ceding territory to terrorists would result in something other than more terror – produced, predictably, just the opposite. Incredibly, despite the whirlwind that Israel is now reaping, Prime Minister Ehud Olmert has recently reiterated his determination to give up virtually all of the West Bank and parts of Jerusalem – an area vastly larger than the combined territories of South Lebanon and the Gaza Strip that his predecessors, Ehud Barak and Ariel Sharon, surrendered respectively to Israel’s enemies in 2000 and 2005.


The Rising Cost of Terror


This is all the more extraordinary since Israel has learned at great cost that the effect of turning over territory to terrorists has been not only to assure that more attacks are mounted against the Jewish State from those areas. It is now indisputable that such terrorist strikes are more deadly, as well.


For example, the attack by Hamas operatives that resulted in the capture of the first Israeli soldier three weeks ago involved the digging of a tunnel hundreds of meters under border fences, coming up behind Israel Defense Forces (IDF) positions. Such a sophisticated and lethal operation makes a mockery of the idea of “disengagement,” based upon the notion that good fences will make, if not good neighbors, at least ones with which Israel can live. Under present and foreseeable circumstances, the only hope of discouraging more – and far more destructive – terror attacks in the future is if the Israelis exercise control of both sides of the border.


Similarly, many observers have been surprised by the number and range of the weapons being used against Israeli civilians and, in at least one case, against an IDF naval vessel off the Lebanese coast. Here again, the only surprise is that “experts” are surprised: Ever since Israel abandoned its security zone (and allies) in South Lebanon and relinquished control over the Rafah and other crossings between Egypt and Gaza, there has been a steady infusion of advanced armaments and skilled personnel from terror organizations like the Iranian Revolutionary Guards and al Qaeda able to operate them, and to train local terrorists to do the same.


A Taste of What is to Come


Bad as the resulting attacks on Israel have been – involving populated areas as far from the front lines as Haifa, Tiberius and Ashkelon – far worse would be in the offing were Israel now to compound the errors that brought on the present crisis. Today’s war would pale by comparison with what will inevitably ensue should the Jewish State turn over control of the West Bank and parts of Jerusalem to those now operating against her from Gaza and Lebanon.


In that case, every major Israeli population center would be within range of artillery, mortar and missiles. So would virtually all Israel ‘s airports, major roads and infrastructure. And it is equally predictable that were Iranian, al Qaeda, Hezbollah and Hamas forces next allowed to operate with impunity from the West Bank, as well as from Lebanon and Gaza, they would use that safe haven not only to pursue Israel’s destruction, but that of the Free World more generally – including the United States.


The Bottom Line


It is time for the U.S. and the Free World to adopt anew the Bush Doctrine (as opposed to the negotiation uber alles “Burns Doctrine” promoted by the Under Secretary of State). Reduced to its essence that means no territory for terrorists.


 

The ‘Two Bill’s’ hidden agenda

Today’s Wall Street Journal features in the front page of its "Marketplace" Section a typically fatuous article about the "Two Bills" – Microsoft founder and chairman Bill Gates and former President Bill Clinton – who have joined forces for the purpose of "bettering global health." The article describes at some length the informal partnership that has been developing between the two men and their respective foundations to bring private and public sector resources to bear in particular in fighting the international AIDS epidemic.

Curiously, nowhere in the article is there any reference to a particularly insidious focus of the Two Bill’s joint fundraising efforts: the idea of establishing "innovative sources of financing" – read, global taxes – to pay for their ambitious plans for countering the world’s diseases.

As it happens, this "hidden agenda" and the role of the Clinton and Gates Foundations (among others) in promoting it is the subject of a column in today’s Washington Times by Center for Security Policy President Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. Mr. Gaffney warns that, unless President Bush acts to prevent it, the sub rosa global taxes agenda will likely be advanced at the upcoming G-8 meeting, where several members (notably, France, Britain and Germany) are committed to promoting such "solidarity levies" and, as of 1 July, the French have already instituted a prototype international tax on airline travel.

Mr. Gaffney also calls attention to a new legislative effort slated to be introduced in the Senate today by Senators Jim Inhofe (R-OK) and Ben Nelson (D-NE). It is designed to prevent the UN from advocating, promoting or imposing global taxes.

The Center commends the Senators for leading a bipartisan effort to keep the Two Bills and their friends from sticking us with the bills for their surely well-intentioned global health endeavors, but in the process creating precedents for international levies that will make the UN more of an unaccountable nightmare – and accelerate its efforts to erode American sovereignty and that of other freedom-loving nations.

Hidden agenda

When President Bush sits down with his counterparts from the other Group of Eight (G-8) nations this weekend in St. Petersburg, Russia, there will be many important items on the agenda. Among them will be discussions of the North Korea threat, the Iranian threat and the threat to the global economy from rising energy prices. There may even be a discussion of the ominous behavior of the host, Russia ‘s President Vladimir Putin, as he inexorably eliminates the last vestiges of democracy and reestablishes central control over all facets of his country’s economic and political life.

This year, as at past G-8 meetings, there will be another, enormously momentous item in play – a threat that will receive, all other things being equal, little if any public notice. Call it a hidden agenda.

Beware of ‘Globotaxes’

Unless President Bush asserts his adamant opposition, it is likely that the G-8 leaders will once again do what they did last year. They will endorse in some fashion the imposition of global taxes.

Most Americans would of course reject such a notion – as has Mr. Bush in the past. For starters, as a general rule, we don’t like taxes very much. Then there is the natty little problem that we may have no say over the size or character of global taxes. These amount to "taxation without representation," something our founders considered so intolerable they put on the line their lives, fortunes and sacred honor to be free of it.

Worst of all, global taxes are well understood by their proponents as a way of addressing what they see as grievous ills. Chief among these is the sovereignty exercised and the concentration of wealth enjoyed by nations like the United States.

For example, in an article distributed last year by the Project Syndicate (a media vehicle supported by George Soros’ Open Society Institute), World Bank economist Branko Milanovic declared: "Global redistribution through taxes that would be levied by an international body may seem far-fetched today, but the logic of development that we are witnessing – particularly the move away from nation-states as the locus of sovereignty – suggests that it may eventually come to pass."

The French Connection

In fact, what the global taxers euphemistically call "innovative sources of financing" and "solidarity levies to fund development" are already being imposed. On July 1, France began implementing an international tax on airline travel and nine nations have announced that they will follow suit. Other initiatives under active consideration include global taxes on: gasoline, multinational corporations, carbon dioxide emissions, "securities transactions" and "portfolio investments," use of air corridors and maritime shipping and currency transactions. The marketing of the French initiative is instructive. It is being billed as a "tax for Third World medicine" and the funds it will generate will ostensibly be used to help finance a new UN agency (dubbed UNITAID) being created as an international drug purchasing facility. Since just about everyone – and most especially President Bush – is keen to combat the spread of diseases like AIDS, packaging a global tax as a way greatly to increase the funds available for this purpose is as seductive as it is cynical.

For this reason, it seems likely that several G-8 members will seek to fashion some sort of endorsement of this latest initiative. After all, in addition to France , Britain and Germany are members of the UN’s newest advocacy cabal, "the Leading Group on Solidarity Levies." Presumably, the proponents will try to use the same gambit they employed at last year’s meeting in Gleneagles , Scotland : burying the G-8’s imprimatur in an annex of the final communiqu? where it will go unnoticed by most observers, but be exploited ever after by the global taxers as a definitive statement of support.

Cliff Kincaid, the indefatigable president of the UN watchdog, America’s Survival, has pointed out that the prospects for sovereignty-sapping and financially burdensome international taxes are being further enhanced by the recruitment to this cause of deep-pocketed individuals besides George Soros and Ted Turner (the latter’s foundation actually has for years had employees working in the UN Secretariat). These include Bill Gates (and, by proxy, Warren Buffett) and Bill Clinton. The Gates and Clinton foundations were represented at the Paris conference the French government called last February to promote "innovative development financing."

Congress to the Rescue?

The only hopeful news is that the Congress has begun to awaken to the danger represented by these initiatives – and the precedents they are creating. The House of Representatives has adopted legislation "that prohibits the Treasury from paying UN dues if the organization attempts to implement or impose any kind of tax on U.S. citizens." Unfortunately, this would not necessarily prevent global taxes from being inflicted through the action of member states, as is being done now by the French and their friends.

Tomorrow, however, Republican Senator Jim Inhofe of Oklahoma and Democrat Ben Nelson of Nebraska will be introducing legislation designed to penalize the UN by withholding American funding if it advocates, promotes or tries to impose global taxes on U.S. citizens. They are to be commended for taking this initiative and the full Senate should adopt it at the earliest possible moment.

The Bottom Line

In the meantime, President Bush needs to be alive to the hidden agenda item at the G-8 meeting. He should instruct his subordinates to ensure that all its products reflect his stated objection to global taxes for whatever purpose – taxes that would help make a corrupt and malfeasant UN far less accountable, and far more prone to the sorts of activities that erode our sovereignty and impede our efforts to protect freedom and the people who cherish, and aspire, to it.

 

War-winning don’ts and do’s

Decision Brief                                       No. 06-D 31                     2006-06-26

(Washington, D.C.): When the history of this era is written, it will be clearer than it is now what steps made a difference in the course of the present, global conflict – the War for the Free World. Even now, however, it seems safe to say that two initiatives qualify, one in the negative sense, the other in a positive one.

 

First, Do No Harm

The first is the effort led principally by Democrats like House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi and Senators John Kerry and Carl Levin aimed at ending the U.S. involvement in Iraq. While the particulars of the several proposals debated on both sides of Capitol Hill over the past fortnight differ, what they have in common is unmistakable: They signaled to friends and foe alike, in Iraq and elsewhere, that the United States may prove once again to be an unreliable ally.

To be sure, the Democrats’ measures were all defeated, some more soundly than others. And the positions that prevailed in each case – with at least some Democratic support – can properly be described by Republicans as evidence that those who would have us “cut-and-run” remain a minority and are not calling the shots in Congress.

Unfortunately, the effect that matters – perhaps historically so – at the moment is not in Washington; it is in Iraq. There on Sunday, the new prime minister, Nouri al-Maliki, unveiled a controversial 24-point “reconciliation” plan. It would involve, among other things, amnesty for those who are deemed not to have committed “crimes and clear terrorist actions,” including attacks on fellow Iraqis and Coalition forces. The plan also calls for compensation to be paid to “those who were killed by Iraqi and American forces.”

Early reports indicated that Mr. al-Maliki’s amnesty proposal would apply to those responsible for attacks on American forces, as well. Naturally, this repugnant idea precipitated a bipartisan firestorm of criticism in Washington. Curiously, among the most vociferous of critics were those like Sen. Levin, who declared on Fox News Sunday: “For heaven’s sake, we liberated that country. We got rid of a horrific dictator. We’ve paid a tremendous price. More than 2,500 Americans have given up their lives. The idea that they should even consider talking about amnesty for people who have killed people who liberated their country is unconscionable.”

Sen. Levin’s high dudgeon is understandable. But it is truly unconscionable that he fails to acknowledge the contribution he and like-minded legislators have played in the consideration of such an idea by the new Iraqi government. After all, it is surely in part a response to the perception of impending abandonment by the United States.

Democrats have been insisting that the Iraqis sort out their differences at once, so we can leave without delay. Sorting out differences under such circumstances invites the new Iraqi government to negotiate ugly “reconciliation” deals with the terrorists. We should make clear the unacceptability to us of terms that reward or assure safe-havens to enemies of freedom in Iraq. But to do so, we must make absolutely clear that we are prepared to stay to help the friends of freedom defeat those foes we have in common.

 

Next, Set America Free

The House of Representatives this week has an opportunity to make another, very positive contribution to the history of this conflict, of which the Iraqi front is but a part. It is scheduled to debate legislation that would begin greatly to diversify the energy resources used to power America’s transportation sector. Today, that sector is almost entirely dependent on products (gasoline and diesel) derived from oil.

Since much of that oil comes from places that are, at best, unstable and, at worst, downright hostile to us, our continued dependence on that single commodity – President Bush has famously called it an “addiction” – is not just foolish. It is strategically perilous to pay hundreds of billions of dollars each year to, among others, people who are trying to kill us.

The House is expected to embrace the principles included in a blueprint for “Fuel Choice” in the transportation sector advanced by the Set America Free Coalition (www.SetAmericaFree.org), a group made up of former senior government officials, experts and policy organizations from across the political and ideological spectrum. The plan emphasizes practical steps applying existing technology to produce and make widely available, and useable, alternatives to traditional transportation fuels including: ethanol (in particular, from sources other than corn), methanol and electricity.

This blueprint will not, in and of itself, solve all of America’s energy problems. It will make a much-needed start, however, in the direction of energy security. It is impelled by the fact that we simply cannot afford to continue to ignore the threats to our safety and economy inherent in our present dependence on a commodity for which demand is sharply increasing (notably, in China, India and the Middle East) and whose supply in various places may be seriously constricted at any time by terrorists and/or hostile governments.

 

The Bottom Line

History usually takes many years to sort out what was important and what was not to the course of human events. The implications of some steps, however, are truly no- brainers. Those who are undermining our position, and that of our allies in Iraq, by insisting that we abandon it are likely to be judged harshly (not to say incredulously) by future generations. And those who help provide the American transportation sector with secure and abundant sources of fuel are sure to be seen as heroes in the War for the Free World.

The difference a year makes

One year ago tomorrow, George W. Bush strode into the White House Rose Garden to unveil what he called a "vision" for Mideast peace. At the time, the June 24, 2002 address garnered wide attention for the willingness it formally expressed — for the first time by any U.S. President — to recognize a Palestinian state. Ever since then, proponents of such a state have been working assiduously to water down, ignore and, if possible, eliminate the important caveats Mr. Bush made clear would have to be satisfied before he would support its establishment.

 

Three Preconditions The anniversary of the vision speech is an appropriate moment to reflect on both the current status and abiding salience in particular of three of these caveats. They exemplify the President’s original determination to ensure that a new state of Palestine would not simply amount to a new terrorist-sponsoring nation in a region still populated by too many of them.

  • On June 24th last year, Mr. Bush declared: "Peace requires a new and different Palestinian leadership, so that a Palestinian state can be born. I call on the Palestinian people to elect new leaders, leaders not compromised by terror."

This was a stunning, yet absolutely sensible, precondition. The President had, from the beginning of his administration, understood that the old Palestinian leadership under Yasser Arafat was part of the problem, not the solution. In insisting that a new leadership — uncompromised by terror and enjoying a popular mandate — precede a new state, Mr. Bush recognized that only if the Palestinian people wanted an end to terror and true peace with Israel would these goals be achieved. In the intervening months, though, the President was prevailed upon to declare Yasser Arafat’s right-hand man for forty years, Mahmoud Abbas, the "new and different" leadership he had in mind. He has legitimated him with a summit meeting and pledged inestimable support, both politically, financially and in the ominous rebuilding of Palestinian "security" forces — even though Abbas was not popularly elected and has acknowledged the obvious: Arafat remains in control.

  • A year ago, President Bush said: "Today, Palestinian authorities are encouraging, not opposing, terrorism. This is unacceptable. And the United States will not support the establishment of a Palestinian state until its leaders engage in a sustained fight against the terrorists and dismantle their infrastructure."

Over the past twelve months, President Bush has embraced a "road map" that ostensibly implements his vision for Mideast peace. Nowhere is the difference between the original plan and the so-called implementation more stark, however, than with respect to the precondition that Palestinian terror must be dismantled before the U.S. would "support" (let alone recognize) a new state. According to the road map, the United States is committed to endorse the establishment of a Palestinian state — starting with something called "provisional boundaries" by the end of this year — even if the Palestinian leadership continues to refuse to fight terrorists.

  • Last year, the President declared: "I’ve said in the past that nations are either with us or against us in the war on terror. To be counted on the side of peace, nations must act. Every leader actually committed to peace will end incitement to violence in official media, and publicly denounce homicide bombings."

Today, official incitement in support of anti-Israeli and anti-Western terror continues in virtually every Arab capital except, notably, in Baghdad. In particular, Arafat’s Palestinian Authority (PA) persists in its use of maps, television and radio broadcasts and print media that conveys the proto-government’s abiding determination to "liberate" all of "Palestine" — including the land Israel "occupied" before the 1967 Six Day War. The Bush Administration has been reduced to accepting as sufficient mumbled denunciations in English by Abbas of continuing Palestinian terror attacks. Lest the road map come a cropper, however, the U.S. government is ignoring the fact that those who perpetrate these "homicide bombings" (even ones that kill American citizens) continue to be lionized in Arabic via PA outlets as "martyrs." Good Policy is Good Politics

Interestingly, the results of a new national opinion poll performed by Luntz Research Companies for the Center for Security Policy shows very strong popular support for each of these visionary Bush caveats. By a 61% to 21% margin, the American people do not think Mahmoud Abbas represents new Palestinian leadership untainted by terror. 73% agree (46% "strongly") with the precondition that the Palestinian terror infrastructure must be dismantled; only 18% disagree. And 73% think it "fair" for Israel to insist that Palestinian incitement against it must stop before there can be any hope for a true peace. Only 16% think such insistence to be "unfair." Such sentiments are even more pronounced among Christian conservatives central to Mr. Bush’s political base.

The Bottom Line George W. Bush’s success as president to date has been rooted in his firm attachment to clear principles. One of the most important of these has been that terror against free peoples is terror; it will be fought everywhere and not rewarded. The road map has already proven a futile and potentially dangerous diversion from that path.

Before more damage is done to the coherence and integrity of U.S. policy in the war on terror, to the prospects for realizing a genuine and durable Mideast peace and perhaps to the Bush presidency itself, a course correction is required that moves once again in the direction laid out by the President a year ago tomorrow.

‘Iraq War’ truth squad

Decision Brief                                       No. 06-D 30                     2006-06-19


(Washington , D.C.): With voters going to the polls in a little more than four months, legislators on both sides of Capitol Hill and both sides of the aisle are jockeying for position on a host of contentious issues. Topping the list at the moment is what to do about Iraq.


Reduced to their essence the choices are, according to most Republicans, between “cutting-and-running” or “staying the course”; according to most Democrats, “redeploying to fight the global war on terror” or Vietnam redux. Last week, the House of Representatives had its turn, providing a bipartisan endorsement of President Bush’s Iraq policy. The Senate is expected to take the issue up in earnest this week.


Critics of our involvement in Iraq have embraced arguments or “facts” that frequently do not stand up to scrutiny. Unfortunately, some of those who continue to support the overthrow of Saddam Hussein’s regime have unnecessarily conceded points to their opponents. As a result, all other things being equal, even if the Senate joins the House in rejecting the Democrat-led effort to set deadlines for reducing our presence in Iraq or withdrawing posthaste, this week’s deliberations may not adequately serve the public’s need to understand the true nature of this conflict and its stakes.


Just the Facts, Ma’am


As a contribution to the debate – and an effort to provide quality control on its content – herewith a few relevant truths:



-President Bush did not “lie” about Saddam Hussein’s regime posing a weapons of mass destruction (WMD) threat . In addition to the obvious point that the Iraqi dictator had used such weapons against his own people and Iranians in the past, it is irresponsible to ignore the fact that, therefore, he had the know-how and infrastructure to produce and maintain stocks of such weapons.


We now also have evidence – thanks to defector accounts and captured Iraqi documentation – that Saddam engaged in a massive effort to deny us a “smoking gun” by dispersing his WMD before U.S.-led Coalition forces launched their invasion. For example, Georges Sada, the former Iraqi general who was responsible for organizing air-shipments conveying chemical and biological weapons across the Syrian border and into Syrian-controlled Lebanon, has confirmed that such movements occurred.



-What is more, even the oft-cited Iraq Survey Group, which found no evidence of WMD in Iraq after the invasion, confirmed that Saddam had plans when sanctions were lifted (an imminent prospect until Operation Iraqi Freedom intervened) to convert some of his inherently dual-use facilities to the manufacture of chemical and/or biological agents. The plans called for such agents to be placed in aerosol cans and perfume sprayers for shipment to the United States and Europe . These are precisely the sort of intentions and terrorist applications for WMD that caused President Bush properly to believe it necessary to act preemptively against Saddam’s regime.


There is, similarly, no doubt that Saddam Hussein was involved with and supportive of international terrorism. In fact, his regime had been designated a state-sponsor of terror for years before George W. Bush became president, due to the safe-havens, training facilities, intelligence and logistical assistance and arms he provided to an assortment of Islamist and other terrorist organizations.


Some still cavil that al Qaeda was not among the beneficiaries of Saddam’s largesse. Typically, they make much of the 9/11 Commission’s conclusion that there was no evidence of “operational” connections between al Qaeda and the Iraqi despot’s regime. In fact, as the Weekly Standard‘s Steven Hayes (among others) has demonstrated, U.S. and allied intelligence have accumulated information about myriad contacts and meetings, both inside and outside of Iraq, between Osama bin Laden’s operatives and those of Iraqi intelligence or its intermediaries. To ignore such associations and their potentially devastating implications would have been irresponsible.



We will not encourage the Iraqis to “get their act together” by convincing them they will shortly be abandoned to contend with the myriad enemies at home and abroad who wish to snuff out their fragile experiment with democracy and freedom . It is nonsense – not to say insufferably condescending – to ignore a central reality: People like those of Iraq, who have long been traumatized by despotic misrule and the existential threat it can pose at any time, simply will not line up with the cause of freedom unless they have reason to believe it is going to be the winning side.


If the Iraqi people abandon the opportunity we have helped afford them – a chance for a future that is far more peaceable, prosperous and free than anything they have known before – far more than just the loss of an ally and a model for the region will occur. Our mutual enemies around the world, be they al Qaeda operatives, Baathist irreconcilables or the sectarians and their foreign sponsors, will be vindicated in their belief of our susceptibility to defeat, and emboldened to pursue it far beyond Iraq , including here at home.


This is not idle speculation or fear-mongering for short-run political effect. To the contrary, it is the confident prediction and stated goal of bin Laden, the late Abu Musab Zarqawi, Wahhabi imams in Saudi Arabia, Hezbollah and Hamas terror leaders in the Levant and Iran’s president, Mahmoud Ahmadinejad, among others.


The Bottom Line


In short, Iraq is just one front in the larger War for the Free World. Saddam Hussein’s despotism had to be eliminated if our necessary success in that war was to be achieved in the only way it can be: by systematically eliminating the regimes that sponsor Islamofascism and otherwise serve as well-springs of terror. If we are clear about that reality, we will indisputably have a chance to prevail, not just in Iraq but wherever freedom is under assault.


 

Friend of China

At this point in our history, is what we really need a Treasury Secretary who is a pedigreed "Friend of China?" That is a term the Communist Chinese apply to individuals who have proven their affinity for the People’s Republic by service of one kind or another. Communist China arguably has no better or more powerful friend in the whole of the Western world than the man President Bush has just appointed to be this nation’s chief financial officer: Henry Paulson.

Mr. Paulson has made a very successful career, an immense personal fortune and an astounding financial empire at the New York-based investment house, Goldman Sachs. In no small measure, those accomplishments are a product of his extensive personal and professional dealings with the People’s Republic of China.

In fact, in his role as chairman of that enormously successful firm, Mr. Paulson proudly notes that he has made about "seventy trips to China since late 1990." No one logs that kind of time, or enjoys the kind of entree to the Communist power structure it suggests, unless he is considered a true "friend of China."

Why should we be concerned that an individual who has played, according to Goldman’s Vice Chairman, Robert Hormats, a "very crucial" role in the company’s many China-related financial transactions – including "really immers[ing] himself in a lot of activities in China " – would become Treasury Secretary?

Whither China?

The U.S.-China relationship is a complicated one – and is likely to become considerably more so in the years ahead. On the one hand, China is a very important trading partner with this country, albeit one that engages systematically in unfair practices, often in violation of obligations it assumed upon entry to the World Trade Organization, at enormous cost to this country’s balance of payments. The PRC is also the largest holder of American debt; its unwillingness to buy more Treasury notes, let alone to unload even a portion of the hundreds of billions worth it is holding now could have profound, adverse repercussions on our economy.

On the other hand, as a Pentagon report issued shortly before the Paulson nomination was announced makes clear, Communist China is translating some of its vast new wealth into activities and capabilities clearly antithetical to U.S. interests and security. These include: the rapid modernization of the People’s Liberation Army and its air, naval and space warfare elements, to give the PRC vastly increased offensive capacity against even modern militaries like ours; the acquisition of forward operating facilities in key strategic chokepoints and regions around the world, including the Caribbean and Latin America; close ties with every despotic regime on the planet; and direct control of, or at least assured access to, an ever-larger percentage of the world’s energy resources.

Decisions, Decisions

Against this backdrop, what sort of role will a "friend of China " like Henry Paulson play in a Bush Cabinet where he has been assured that he will get to shape policy, not simply flack for it?

Let us stipulate that, as his spokesman at Goldman Sachs put it recently, "When Mr. Paulson becomes Secretary of the Treasury, he will have totally divorced his interests from those of Goldman Sachs." Even if he were actually to liquidate his huge holdings of Goldman stock (as opposed to merely placing them in a "blind trust"), he will have a difficult time avoiding a conflict of interest in addressing issues that will have huge implications for his friends and former colleagues at the firm – and for the United States.

Consider the following items that clearly fall within his prospective portfolio, to say nothing of what his input might be on matters directly related to national security policy and China:

-The revaluation of the Chinese currency to reflect more accurately its true value and reduce the contribution it makes to the PRC’s competitive trade advantage. Friends of China have long made excuses for Beijing and resisted efforts to pressure it to float its currency.

-The offerings of PRC state-owned enterprises on the U.S. capital markets – many of which are economic dinosaurs that use the proceeds of such often-Goldman-managed and wildly oversubscribed stock sales to prop up their operations and free up Chinese government funding for other, nefarious purposes.

-This is especially true of Chinese "banks" – which the blue-ribbon U.S.-China Economic and Security Review Commission last year established amounted to "slush funds" available for Beijing to use to finance not only the business ventures of well-connected "princelings," but all manner of other nefarious activities in which the PRC engages overseas. These include: technology theft, espionage, intelligence operations, arms sales, alien smuggling and drug-running. Goldman is the lead investment bank for the IPO of one of the most egregious of such state-owned enterprises, the Bank of China.

-Chinese acquisitions of U.S. assets will fall under the ambit of the Secretary of Treasury in his department’s capacity as chairman of the dysfunctional Committee on Foreign Investment in the United States (CFIUS). CFIUS has been reluctant – if not utterly unable – to see threats to American interests and security posed by acquisitions, some of which have been managed or endorsed by Goldman Sachs. It seems unimaginable that it will do better under the direction of one of China ‘s best friends.

The Bottom Line

Henry Paulson is clearly a capable man and, but for his ties to China, would bring to Treasury stature and skills that are much needed. Those ties have earned him the right to be a Friend of China. They should disqualify him from being Secretary of the Treasury.

Burns fiddles while Tehran arms

In the face of intensifying Iranian intransigence and provocations, President Bush has decided to adopt the recommendations of appeasement-prone subordinates – notably, Undersecretary of State for Political Affairs Nicholas Burns – to reward such behavior. The decision announced by Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice today that the United States would be prepared to participate directly – as opposed to through European and United Nations proxies – in negotiations with the terrorist-sponsoring mullahocracy in Tehran, if only it will promise to suspend its nuclear weapons activities, will only reward and lead to more of such behavior.

In his column for Wednesday’s Washington Times, Center for Security Policy President Frank J. Gaffney, Jr. argues for a very different approach. Instead of attempting to appease the Iranian Islamofascists, Mr. Gaffney argues for privatizing the effort to deny them the resources to make their nuclear weapons program, support for terrorism, and domestic repression possible.

Nick Burns is leading President Bush into a diplomatic morass from which it will prove exceedingly difficult, if not impossible, to extricate this country before the Iranian regime realizes its ambition to acquire, and perhaps to use, nuclear weapons. The folly of the Burns’ appeasement approach will be further compounded if, as seems likely, the effect is further to legitimate the mullahocracy and alienate our natural allies in its removal from power: the Iranian people.

 

Divest Iran
By Frank J. Gaffney, Jr.
The Washington Times, 31 May 2006

One of the most important public policy fights in years is taking place within the U.S. government. The debate is over how to deal with the growing danger posed by Islamofascist Iran.

In one corner are those who believe, against all historical experience, that appeasement of despots will work this time. Hence, their support of efforts by the so-called "EU-3" — Britain, France and Germany — to present concessions attractive enough to the Iranian mullahocracy to induce it to give up at least some of its program for developing nuclear weapons. United Nations Secretary-General Kofi Annan and the International Atomic Energy Agency’s Mohamed ElBaradei champion this approach. So does the State Department bureaucracy, led by the Undersecretary for Political Affairs, Nicholas Burns.

Unfortunately, the record of recent efforts to appease Iran has been no more encouraging than were earlier efforts to divert other totalitarians from their chosen paths. To the contrary, Iranian officials have gleefully observed they are indebted to the Europeans and their supporters for "buying time" for the regime in Tehran, allowing it to bring its so-called "nuclear power" program to fruition. Some are becoming ever-more brazen in confirming that energy generation is not the object of the exercise; rather, they aim to obtain the Bomb.

Now, Nick Burns and Company are evidently supporting the international appeasers’ demand that the United States "engage" directly with the Iranians. The argument is that, only by so doing, can the Bush administration demonstrate it has left no stone unturned in trying to avoid a showdown, including possibly military action against Iran.

Those in the opposing corner, believed to include Vice President Dick Cheney, Defense Secretary Donald Rumsfeld and President Bush are under no illusion about the consequences of such a step. It will not buy the United States any credit from its critics. Instead, it will embroil this country in talks whose sole purpose is to hamstring those threatened by the Iranian Islamofascists’ support for international terror and pursuit of nuclear weapons — if President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad is to be believed, for apocalyptic purposes.

Speaking of Mr. Ahmadinejad, one of the most bizarre aspects of the debate about what to do about Iran is the use by the appeasement camp of his recent letter to President Bush. It has been widely portrayed in the press as a diplomatic "breakthrough," an opening for direct contacts that must not be allowed to slip away. In fact, a close reading of the document makes clear what the Iranian regime has in mind for the United States is war, not diplomacy. Notably, the closing passage is a direct quote from a message sent by the Prophet Muhammad as he prepared to launch a devastating attack on its recipient.

The alternative to appeasement of Iran should utilize the sorts of techniques Ronald Reagan employed to counter the last horrific totalitarian ideology that threatened our destruction, the Soviet Union. These include using every available means to delegitimize the regime. It also means helping those oppressed by our enemies, to assist them in undermining and, if possible, in bringing down their government — a popular aspiration lately confirmed anew by a spate of tumultuous demonstrations across Iran.

Reagan placed special emphasis on one other initiative: drying up the funding streams that enabled the Soviet Union to build up its military threat and to pay for anti-Western revolutions all over the globe. The same must be done to Iran.

The most obvious means of doing so — economic sanctions — are not supported by Iran’s strategic allies, Russia and China, and its business partners in many energy-hungry European nations and Japan. As a result, there seems little hope of multilateral sanctions comparable to the longstanding American ones on oil purchases and other trade with Iran.

According to a Page One article in The Washington Post on Monday, a Treasury Department-led task force is trying a variation on the theme: It is seeking the cooperation of allies in eschewing business with "every Iranian official, individual and entity the Bush administration considers connected not only to nuclear enrichment efforts but to terrorism, government corruption, suppression of religious or democratic freedom and violence" in neighboring states. Unsurprisingly, the response has been underwhelming to date. The Post reports that, "So far, four financial institutions have signed on to the U.S. effort."

Fortunately, America has an opportunity to bring more than moral suasion to bear on those who partner with our enemies and, thereby, help underwrite their threatening behavior: Make them choose whether they wish to do business with: us or with the Iranians.

Last month, the Louisiana sheriffs public pension fund became the first in the nation to adopt such an approach in the form of a terror-free investment policy. Its portfolio managers, including T. Rowe Price, have agreed that the sheriffs’ retirement money will not be invested in foreign energy, telecommunications, banks and other companies that engage in commercial activities and investment in state-sponsors of terror like Iran.

The U.S. government should encourage this model — call it Divest Iran — to be adopted by the scores of millions of other American investors whose decisions to hold or dispose of stocks will probably have a lot more influence with Iranian-connected enterprises than will pleas from our "engagement"-minded officials. Such a privatization of the effort to end the danger posed by the Iranian mullahs may not only make for a more coherent U.S. policy. It may even make it possible to avoid the otherwise possibly necessary use of force against Iran.