Tag Archives: Menges Hemispheric Security Project

Bolivia’s Constitutional Reforms

While the international community was focusing on the recent Venezuelan referendum, another equally problematic situation was developing in Bolivia. On December 9, 2007, the constituent assembly approved the text of a new constitution which faces fierce opposition from certain groups including six of Bolivia’s nine provinces. To learn more about the conflict, please open the attachment.

NEWS:

  • Bolivia: Governors declare independence from the Central Government. IMPORTANT: Presence of Venezuelans in Bolivian oil zone condemned.
  • Spain investigates ETA’s presence in Venezuela.
  • NEWS ALERT: Possible Illegal contributions from Chávez to Ms. Kirchner’s campaign discovered. Argentina: Cristina Fernández sworn in as President. New Argentinian president wishes Venezuela to join Mercosur soon. Bank of the South was born in Buenos Aires.
  • Venezuela: Ex-Minister Baduel asks again for Constitutional Assembly. Chávez: I must go in 2013 because you did not pass the reform. Chávez threatens to cut trade relations with Colombia. Police conducts a search at residence of opposition leader. Chávez: Domestic oil production to a standstill. Some Europeans do not like resistance. Foreign Vice-Minister Vladimir Villegas quits. Ex VP Rangel at odds with President Chávez. Venezuela, Belarus to operate other three oilfields. US dollars for cards exceed by 97% the quota for food. IMPORTANT: RWB warns against use of exchange control to punish the dissenting media. Venezuela reviews use of US dollars withdrawals abroad.  Seven million workers outside of social security system. Chavez’s hour and New Currency.
  • CITGO starts delivering discounted fuel in the US through Joe Kennedy’s "Citizens Energy."
  • Castiglioni warns against likely rupture in Mercosur for Chávez’s policies.
  • Uribe announces "meeting area" for humanitarian swap. Colombia declines depositing reserves in Bank of the South. Nicaragua nationalizes Oil importation – buys oil from Venezuela.
  • Cuba’s dictatorship arrests ten people.

Editor’s Note: Peru: "Fujimori’s Legacy."

Analysis: "Venezuela – Chavez Down, Not Out." By: John R. Thomson – The Washington Times.

View the full version of the Americas Report (PDF)

For any questions, comments, or those interested in receiving this report in the future or seeking to have their email removed from our list please contact Nicole M. Ferrand at our new e-mail address: themengesproject@centerforsecuritypolicy.org. If you have news stories that you think might be useful for future editions of this report please send them, with a link to the original website, to the same e-mail address. If you wish to contribute with an article, please send it to the same address, with your name and place of work or study.

Quietly following Chavez’s lead

 

 

While the international community was focusing on the recent Venezuelan referendum, another equally problematic situation was developing in Bolivia. On December 9, 2007, the constituent assembly approved the text of a new constitution which faces fierce opposition from certain groups including six of Bolivia’s nine provinces. The approval of a draft constitution requires two thirds of the votes of the constituent assembly which President Evo Morales does not have.

When the assembly was convened on Saturday, Morales’ party, the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) decided to change the rules and say that the approval of a constitutional text does not require two thirds of the total members but two thirds of the total members present. Of course, the only people who were there to vote were the supporters of Evo Morales. Only 160 assemblymen out of a total of 255 were present at the vote. That was the solution the supporters of Morales found to the problem of political stagnation he has been facing for the last several months. Assemblymen invented on the spot a new law that enabled them to pass major text for a constitutional reform that must be ready by December 14 and be subject to a popular referendum.

The plans by President Morales, a staunch Chávez follower, to revamp Bolivia’s constitution have reignited long-running conflicts between more indigenous Andean regions, where Morales has his support base, and wealthier lowland areas. There have been violent protests in Bolivia for and against a new draft constitution. In what appeared to be an effort to address the conflict, Morales proposed a referendum to decide whether he and nine regional governors should remain in their posts. Six of the country’s nine regions are controlled by his opponents. Morales says the reforms will give poor Bolivians a voice in running the country but his opponents argue they give the President too much power. Speaking on television, Morales said he would be sending a proposal to Congress to put his leadership to the popular vote. [1] Many criticize Morales’ actions since he took office as President as being divisive. His policy to nationalize the oil and gas industries has alienated foreign governments and investors. His so-called "democratic revolution" which promises a transfer of wealth and power from Bolivia’s elite to the mainly Andean Indian poor, has alarmed the more affluent eastern provinces.

Why are the governors protesting?

These states form a giant half-moon across Bolivia’s relatively prosperous eastern half, an area dominated by a largely mestizo and white population that has began to see with skepticism the newfound influence of the Aymara and Quechua Indian population of Bolivia’s western Andean highlands. Their frustration is rooted in years of living under Bolivia’s heavily centralized government. The protesters want the right to elect local officials now appointed by La Paz, along with more government money for health, education and infrastructure. [2] In addition, the governors of these affluent provinces are afraid of Morales’ evident plan to turn Bolivia into a Socialist state, nationalizing all sectors of the economy, following in Chavez’s footsteps and they don’t want to help Evo’s "project." They have the resources and don’t want Morales to finance his Bolivarian Revolution in their country with the money these provinces generate. They want Bolivia to become economically viable and that is why they are seeking autonomy. They have said that they will "declare de facto autonomy" on December 14.

As stated six provinces announced they will not respect this measure. They began a hunger strike and called for civil disobedience. Controversy around constitutional reforms in Bolivia has been in high gear since the constituent assembly was elected in mid 2007. Indeed, Morales considered his election in December, 2005 as a mandate to transform Bolivian society. Morales was brought to power by a majority of previously excluded sectors, mainly indigenous populations. By the same token, he felt that the vote indicated non-confidence in the old political institutions and parties associated with an obsolete system. The protest social movements that preceded those elections provided this sense that everything that belongs to the past could be swept away to give birth to a "re-foundation" of the Bolivian state. This sense of having a mandate encouraged Morales to exercise power based on the simple principle of majority rule.

Thus, the constituent assembly is an idea that merges as popular social movements advanced in the political arena. The call for a constitutional assembly was negotiated between Morales and the opposition. At the same time a referendum on the autonomy for the Bolivian provinces was negotiated at the request of the opposition. The idea was to leave certain provinces in the hands of the old elite to continue controlling resources in the provinces and so avoid the expansion of the socialist revolution proposed by Morales. A national referendum was conducted with the majority voting against provincial autonomy except for residents of the provinces of the lowlands (eastern provinces).

The new proposed constitution recognizes the pre-colonial right of the indigenous people to their territory, to autonomy and to self-rule. The constitution adopts the moral principles of the indigenous people of the highlands. It establishes that the hydrocarbons are property of the Bolivian people thus declaring null and void all the contracts that violate this principle.  Those who violate these principles will be considered "traitors to the nation". The constitution also establishes the principle of private property but leaves open the possibility of expropriation in case there is any public need that requires it.

The constitution, contrary to the intention of the assemblymen in November 2007 does not secure the indefinite re-election of the President and does not deal with the issue of land distribution. Land distribution and federalization of local province natural resources was an element of antagonism as residents of the lowlands were afraid of nationalization. The constitution provides power to the indigenous population (which constitute about 55% of the population) and to the Bolivian state apparatus. The laws for the Indians have generated the perception that Bolivia will become a de-facto national state of the Indians, making indigenous people first class citizens above the mestizos and the white populations. Due to nationalistic and chauvinistic ethnic voices in the Indian population, anxiety is increasing as they attempt to redraw the current maps in favor of some sort of restoration of pre-colonial Indian sovereignty.   Regarding private property and other rights it leaves citizens vulnerable to the arbitrariness of state power that can make decisions based on what they consider to be state interests.

This is why these proposed reforms have generated a movement in six provinces to become autonomous from the national state. These provinces want to keep their resources and are afraid of a totalitarian take over by Morales.  

Undoubtedly, there is a lot to be done to correct the problem of the marginal sectors of society in Bolivia, more so when the problem of poverty and scarcity is overwhelming. However, Morales from the beginning tried to impose a project while ignoring an electoral minority with a real power on the ground. Instead of negotiating, Morales moved to impose his vision on others like a bulldozer, as did Venezuelan President, Hugo Chavez. The difference between him and Chavez is that Chavez was able to enlist supporters thanks to his oil-rich resources which enabled him to bribe a population unwilling to think about the long term consequences of his despotic rule. Morales counted on Chavez’s help which he received but was not sufficient in bringing him the power he wanted.   In Bolivia, the followers of Morales are not an overwhelming majority and the opposition defending their attacked interests did not remain passive.

Street confrontations rightly pushed Morales into negotiations but quickly Morales bypassed all the rules in order to obtain what he really wanted: which was a constitutional reform whose legitimacy will take the form of a contract between him and the indigenous populations while excluding the mestizo and white populations of the country. This move is simply not constitutional by any definition and is not legal under current Bolivian law (which Morales has nothing but contempt for).

Bolivians are now up in arms. They are also encouraged by Chavez’s recent defeat in the referendum over constitutional reforms since Chavez has always been a source of inspiration for Morales. What is more ominous, Morales’ definition of the conflict inevitably creates an indigenous/non-indigenous clash that could end up in civil strife involving dangerous interethnic and interracial dimensions.  This can spread like a spiral into other areas in Latin America where indigenous racial nationalism movements exist (Peru, Chile) and consequently could have serious implications for regional stability. The recent public slaughter of two dogs by an indigenous group in Bolivia was perceived as a clear message to the opposition and reflects the validity of the point in question. This type of bloody and dirty conflict that Morales is encouraging represents Hugo Chavez’s dream of making Latin America chaotic so that it will require a continental savior like himself. Having said so let us not underestimate the striving potential of the new grassroots nationalistic and populist movements that have emerged in South America in the 1990’s, particularly in the indigenous community.  

 

  1. Bolivians set for a historic vote. December 6, 2007. NY Daily News.

  2. Morales faces middle-class protests in Bolivia. January 28, 2007. Los Angeles Times.

Quietly following Chavez’s lead

 

 

While the international community was focusing on the recent Venezuelan referendum, another equally problematic situation was developing in Bolivia. On December 9, 2007, the constituent assembly approved the text of a new constitution which faces fierce opposition from certain groups including six of Bolivia’s nine provinces. The approval of a draft constitution requires two thirds of the votes of the constituent assembly which President Evo Morales does not have.

When the assembly was convened on Saturday, Morales’ party, the Movement Towards Socialism (MAS) decided to change the rules and say that the approval of a constitutional text does not require two thirds of the total members but two thirds of the total members present. Of course, the only people who were there to vote were the supporters of Evo Morales. Only 160 assemblymen out of a total of 255 were present at the vote. That was the solution the supporters of Morales found to the problem of political stagnation he has been facing for the last several months. Assemblymen invented on the spot a new law that enabled them to pass major text for a constitutional reform that must be ready by December 14 and be subject to a popular referendum.

The plans by President Morales, a staunch Chávez follower, to revamp Bolivia’s constitution have reignited long-running conflicts between more indigenous Andean regions, where Morales has his support base, and wealthier lowland areas. There have been violent protests in Bolivia for and against a new draft constitution. In what appeared to be an effort to address the conflict, Morales proposed a referendum to decide whether he and nine regional governors should remain in their posts. Six of the country’s nine regions are controlled by his opponents. Morales says the reforms will give poor Bolivians a voice in running the country but his opponents argue they give the President too much power. Speaking on television, Morales said he would be sending a proposal to Congress to put his leadership to the popular vote. [1] Many criticize Morales’ actions since he took office as President as being divisive. His policy to nationalize the oil and gas industries has alienated foreign governments and investors. His so-called "democratic revolution" which promises a transfer of wealth and power from Bolivia’s elite to the mainly Andean Indian poor, has alarmed the more affluent eastern provinces.

Why are the governors protesting?

These states form a giant half-moon across Bolivia’s relatively prosperous eastern half, an area dominated by a largely mestizo and white population that has began to see with skepticism the newfound influence of the Aymara and Quechua Indian population of Bolivia’s western Andean highlands. Their frustration is rooted in years of living under Bolivia’s heavily centralized government. The protesters want the right to elect local officials now appointed by La Paz, along with more government money for health, education and infrastructure. [2] In addition, the governors of these affluent provinces are afraid of Morales’ evident plan to turn Bolivia into a Socialist state, nationalizing all sectors of the economy, following in Chavez’s footsteps and they don’t want to help Evo’s "project." They have the resources and don’t want Morales to finance his Bolivarian Revolution in their country with the money these provinces generate. They want Bolivia to become economically viable and that is why they are seeking autonomy. They have said that they will "declare de facto autonomy" on December 14.

As stated six provinces announced they will not respect this measure. They began a hunger strike and called for civil disobedience. Controversy around constitutional reforms in Bolivia has been in high gear since the constituent assembly was elected in mid 2007. Indeed, Morales considered his election in December, 2005 as a mandate to transform Bolivian society. Morales was brought to power by a majority of previously excluded sectors, mainly indigenous populations. By the same token, he felt that the vote indicated non-confidence in the old political institutions and parties associated with an obsolete system. The protest social movements that preceded those elections provided this sense that everything that belongs to the past could be swept away to give birth to a "re-foundation" of the Bolivian state. This sense of having a mandate encouraged Morales to exercise power based on the simple principle of majority rule.

Thus, the constituent assembly is an idea that merges as popular social movements advanced in the political arena. The call for a constitutional assembly was negotiated between Morales and the opposition. At the same time a referendum on the autonomy for the Bolivian provinces was negotiated at the request of the opposition. The idea was to leave certain provinces in the hands of the old elite to continue controlling resources in the provinces and so avoid the expansion of the socialist revolution proposed by Morales. A national referendum was conducted with the majority voting against provincial autonomy except for residents of the provinces of the lowlands (eastern provinces).

The new proposed constitution recognizes the pre-colonial right of the indigenous people to their territory, to autonomy and to self-rule. The constitution adopts the moral principles of the indigenous people of the highlands. It establishes that the hydrocarbons are property of the Bolivian people thus declaring null and void all the contracts that violate this principle.  Those who violate these principles will be considered "traitors to the nation". The constitution also establishes the principle of private property but leaves open the possibility of expropriation in case there is any public need that requires it.

The constitution, contrary to the intention of the assemblymen in November 2007 does not secure the indefinite re-election of the President and does not deal with the issue of land distribution. Land distribution and federalization of local province natural resources was an element of antagonism as residents of the lowlands were afraid of nationalization. The constitution provides power to the indigenous population (which constitute about 55% of the population) and to the Bolivian state apparatus. The laws for the Indians have generated the perception that Bolivia will become a de-facto national state of the Indians, making indigenous people first class citizens above the mestizos and the white populations. Due to nationalistic and chauvinistic ethnic voices in the Indian population, anxiety is increasing as they attempt to redraw the current maps in favor of some sort of restoration of pre-colonial Indian sovereignty.   Regarding private property and other rights it leaves citizens vulnerable to the arbitrariness of state power that can make decisions based on what they consider to be state interests.

This is why these proposed reforms have generated a movement in six provinces to become autonomous from the national state. These provinces want to keep their resources and are afraid of a totalitarian take over by Morales.  

Undoubtedly, there is a lot to be done to correct the problem of the marginal sectors of society in Bolivia, more so when the problem of poverty and scarcity is overwhelming. However, Morales from the beginning tried to impose a project while ignoring an electoral minority with a real power on the ground. Instead of negotiating, Morales moved to impose his vision on others like a bulldozer, as did Venezuelan President, Hugo Chavez. The difference between him and Chavez is that Chavez was able to enlist supporters thanks to his oil-rich resources which enabled him to bribe a population unwilling to think about the long term consequences of his despotic rule. Morales counted on Chavez’s help which he received but was not sufficient in bringing him the power he wanted.   In Bolivia, the followers of Morales are not an overwhelming majority and the opposition defending their attacked interests did not remain passive.

Street confrontations rightly pushed Morales into negotiations but quickly Morales bypassed all the rules in order to obtain what he really wanted: which was a constitutional reform whose legitimacy will take the form of a contract between him and the indigenous populations while excluding the mestizo and white populations of the country. This move is simply not constitutional by any definition and is not legal under current Bolivian law (which Morales has nothing but contempt for).

Bolivians are now up in arms. They are also encouraged by Chavez’s recent defeat in the referendum over constitutional reforms since Chavez has always been a source of inspiration for Morales. What is more ominous, Morales’ definition of the conflict inevitably creates an indigenous/non-indigenous clash that could end up in civil strife involving dangerous interethnic and interracial dimensions.  This can spread like a spiral into other areas in Latin America where indigenous racial nationalism movements exist (Peru, Chile) and consequently could have serious implications for regional stability. The recent public slaughter of two dogs by an indigenous group in Bolivia was perceived as a clear message to the opposition and reflects the validity of the point in question. This type of bloody and dirty conflict that Morales is encouraging represents Hugo Chavez’s dream of making Latin America chaotic so that it will require a continental savior like himself. Having said so let us not underestimate the striving potential of the new grassroots nationalistic and populist movements that have emerged in South America in the 1990’s, particularly in the indigenous community.  

 

  1. Bolivians set for a historic vote. December 6, 2007. NY Daily News.

  2. Morales faces middle-class protests in Bolivia. January 28, 2007. Los Angeles Times.

Merida Initiative NOT Plan Mexico

According to The Government Accountability Office over 90% of cocaine coming into the United States now transits through Mexico. This has given rise to a huge amount of gang and criminal activity inside Mexico and along our southern border. In an effort to combat this problem, President Bush recently announced that he has requested $1.4 billion in funding over the next three years for a new security cooperation initiative with Mexico and Central America called "The Merida Initiative". To learn more, please open the attachment.

NEWS:

  • LAST MINUTE: Chávez announces second offensive to reform the Constitution . Chávez sees as good Spanish congratulation on referendum. Spain’s Prince Felipe not to transmit any message to Chávez. Military urged Chavez to concede defeat – Chávez denies claims. University students call for dialogue. Chávez: The people may advance constitutional reform. Bush: Venezuela’s Chavez defeat: vote for Democracy. According to reports, the NO vote defeated the YES vote by a larger margin. Chávez: Venezuela is not ready for socialism. Mismatch between NGO Súmate and CNE numbers. Parliament insists on advancing Chávez’s defeated reform. Food prices climb 7.1 percent in November. Purchasing power shrinks amidst soaring inflation. ADL condemns Caracas raid on Jewish club. President Chávez to attend inauguration of Cristina Kirchner; Mercosur meeting.
  • Senate Approves US Trade Deal with Peru.
  • FARC hostages: first proof of life in four years . For France, Chávez’s mediation in hostage release is ancient history. The Colombian government to deal directly with the FARC.
  • Brazilian press warns against Chávez’s "authoritarian plans." Brazilian Senate speaker resigns amid corruption scandal.
  • OPEC keeps oil output unchanged.
  • Opposition governors say Bolivia headed toward dictatorship. Protests continue in Bolivia.
  • Argentina confirms sale of bonds to Venezuela. Kirchner Thanks Venezuela for Solidarity.
  • Mercosur has become "irrelevant" and "too complicated."

View the full version of the Americas Report (PDF)

For any questions, comments, or those interested in receiving this report in the future or seeking to have their email removed from our list please contact Nicole M. Ferrand at our new e-mail address: mengesproject@cen terforsecuritypolicy.org.  If you have news stories that you think might be useful for future editions of this report please send them, with a link to the original website, to the same e-mail address. If you wish to contribute with an article, please send it to the same address, with your name and place of work or study.

Surprise in Venezuela

by The Menges Hemispheric Security Project








No go for Hugo: Chavez’s dictatorial “reforms” were beaten yesterday.
When everybody thought that Hugo Chavez would have his way, Venezuelan voters narrowly rejected the President’s constitutional “reforms” by a margin of 51% to 49%. The proposed changes to the constitution included eliminating presidential term limits as well as vastly expanding presidential powers while restricting the rights of the citizenry. In addition, the proposed “reform” would have given authorities sweeping powers in the case of a national emergency, including detention without charges as well as additional controls on the news media.


Unlike in some previous elections, millions of Venezuelans went to vote yesterday. In fact, some people complained that the voting stations opened late and closed early.  There were some clashes between the police and the opposition forces and ultimately there was an attempt against the life of former Venezuelan Defense Minister, Raul Isaias Baduel. A man in a car went directly towards where Baduel and four other people were standing outside the balloting station injuring four people. When they started responding by throwing rocks at the car, the man pulled a gun and shot once. Then he ran away.


[More]Luckily, Baduel was not injured. Baduel, who headed a civic-military operation that returned President Hugo Chvez to power following a brief coup, recently branded the intended constitutional reform  a “new coup d’tat”, and urged people to vote NO. After the incident, Baduel suggested that the National Electoral Council (CNE) convene a meeting between the political groups supporting and rejecting President Hugo Chvez’s proposed changes to the Constitution, parliamentarian Ismael Garca said. “I delivered a letter from General Baduel to the CNE at 3:00 pm outlining a proposal that the groups supporting the No vote and those supporting the Yes vote meet before the results are announced,” he explained.


General Baduel said the President had tried to force the Venezuelan people’s acceptance of constitutional reforms and had manipulated the people’s feelings in an effort to win their approval. He also warned that Mr. Chavez may now use other means, such as executive order, to pass some of the measures, which include ending other proposals that would abolish the independence of the Central Bank, limit individual rights under states of emergency, and create new forms of community-owned property.


 


The vote ends a tense campaign period, which included repeated protests by opposition groups and violent clashes with police. Election tallies continued past midnight, when officials finally released a count indicating a narrow victory for opponents of the constitutional reform. It was the first defeat for President Chavez since his election to the presidency in 1998. In a nationwide address, Mr. Chavez congratulated his adversaries but said there is a long battle ahead. The President said the reform plan is not dead yet, suggesting he may try again to turn the proposals into law.


The political opposition erupted in celebration, shooting fireworks into the air and honking car horns. The outcome is a stunning development in a country where Chvez and his supporters control nearly all of the levers of power. Almost immediately after the results were broadcast on state television, Chvez conceded defeat, describing the results as a “photo finish.”


Analysis


 


Yesterday’s results are not an indication that Chavez’s power has been diminished; it has just not been increased, for the moment.  If we consider his declarations, he has said that he accepts the results “for now.” He also said that the vote is proof of the credibility of Venezuela’s institutions and that his ideas to revamp the constitution are “still alive.” So we have to be very careful and vigilant about what happens in the next few days.


 


One possibility is that the margin of difference between the NO and the Yes votes is larger and the National Electoral Council cooked the books and made it appear as a narrow defeat for Chavez. In other words it is possible that he lost by a much wider margin. We have to keep in mind that students were monitoring the vote count and they are largely responsible of what happened yesterday. They are the true heroes of this result.


Another possibility is that the Yes vote defeat was an intelligent, calculated, political decision made by Chavez to calm and weaken the opposition and avoid continued protests. He may have decided to listen to his mentor, Hanz Dietrich, the German ideological father of XXI century socialism, and a strong supporter of Latin American integration into a socialist Bolivarian framework. Dietrich wrote a column on November 11, expressing concern over Baduel’s position and advising Chavez to co-opt Baduel since he believed that the general’s surprising move indicated a willingness to become the opposition leader that Venezuela did not have. Thus, if Chavez pushed the reforms too far in the face of a stronger, more unified opposition it could create greater resistance among the Venezuelan people, while elevating Baduel and ultimately causing more trouble for the regime.


So for now, Chavez has decided to go down quietly but in the next days and weeks we will see the true colors of this dictator in the making.


 


Sorpresa en Venezuela


La reforma constitucional propuesta por el presidente Hugo Chvez fue rechazada por el pueblo venezolano que mayoritariamente voto por el “No” en el referndum realizado en ese pas. Segn el conteo de votos, el “No” obtuvo el 51% por ciento, mientras que el “S”, obtuvo el 49% por ciento. Los resultados de ayer no significan que el poder de Chvez se haya disminuido; tampoco se han incrementado por el momento.


En su propuesta de reforma constitucional, el jefe del Estado venezolano plante la extensin del periodo presidencial a siete aos, as como la posibilidad de ser reelegido. En concreto, la derrota le niega la posibilidad de reelegirse indefinidamente en el poder. Tras conocerse los resultados, una explosin de jbilo se produjo entre los seguidores del “No” quienes se haban reunido frente a la sede del Consejo Nacional Electoral a la espera de los resultados.


Chvez ha reconocido que ha sido un “final de fotografa”, por lo ajustado de los resultados, pero no concede ms que una derrota “por ahora” . Ataviado con su ya tradicional camisa roja y acompaado por su gabinete de gobierno, Chvez ha comparecido sonriente varias horas despus de lo previsto. Se esperaban resultados a las ocho de la tarde (0.00 GMT), pero no ha comparecido hasta pasada la una y media. Han sido horas de mucha tensin, en las que los partidarios y los detractores de la reforma aguantaban en vilo los resultados de la consulta.


“Nos venci la abstencin (…) por ahora no pudimos”, ha dicho el mandatario, aunque dice que contina “haciendo la propuesta” de reforma constitucional, es decir, la mantiene, ya que, dice, es la va para “acelerar” la instauracin del socialismo en Venezuela. Ha llamado a sus partidarios a no desanimarse. Pero, sobre todo, no se da por vencido. “Seguiremos trabajando, haremos el esfuerzo ms grande para lograr la mxima inclusin social, la igualdad como principio del sistema, ya buscaremos la manera”. “Esta propuesta (de reforma constitucional) no est muerta, sigue viva, y yo no la retiro”, sostuvo Chvez.


Chvez pretenda el cambio de 69 artculos de la Constitucin de 1999, una reforma que le habra dado un poder casi sin lmites. Para empezar, habra permitido reelecciones ilimitadas para el presidente y ampliaba de seis a siete aos el mandato presidencial. Adems, le daba el control de las reservas de divisas extranjeras, del banco central, de la ordenacin territorial del pas y mayores poderes para expropiar propiedades o censurar medios de comunicacin en situaciones de emergencia. Tambin reduca a seis horas la jornada laboral y creaba un sistema de seguridad social para los trabajadores informales y autnomos.


La campaa por el No’ fue liderada por el movimiento estudiantil surgido en mayo con ocasin de la no renovacin de la licencia del canal opositor RCTV. Recibi adems el espaldarazo del ex ministro de Defensa y emblemtico general retirado Ral Baduel, que lider el movimiento cvico militar que derrot el golpe de 2002 y devolvi a Chvez al poder. Baduel afirm que “debemos estar en alerta ante la posibilidad de imponer esos cambios por una va distinta a la Asamblea Constituyente, por ejemplo, a travs de leyes habilitantes”. El No’ tambin fue apoyado por una disidencia “chavista” integrada por el partido socialdemcrata Podemos, varios intelectuales y hasta la propia ex esposa del presidente, Mara Isabel Rodrguez, que fue constituyente en 1999.


Se reportaron algunas irregularidades y algunos votantes se quejaban que algunas mesas de sufragio haban abierto muy tarde otras haban cerrado muy temprano y algunos centros de votacin reportaron demoras en el proceso. El diputado Ismael Garca, de Podemos, denunci que “un espontneo sac un arma contra el general Ral Baduel”, en uno de los pocos incidentes registrados en esta jornada. “Se debe averiguar quin envi a este espontneo”, que quizs se vio alentado por la “exagerada violencia verbal y las amenazas para intentar atemorizar” que se desprenden de los discursos del gobernante, aadi el legislador, que no dio ms detalles del asunto. Baduel sali ileso del atentado en su contra cuando sala del centro de votacin del Parque De Ferias San Jacinto, cuando un vehculo intent atropellarlo y debido a esta accin cuatro personas salieron heridas.


Anlisis


Los Resultados de ayer no significan que el plan de reforman la Constitucin de   haya terminado. Si leemos sus declaraciones, el dice que acepta los resultados “por ahora.” Tambin declar que los resultados son prueba que la credibilidad de las instituciones Venezolanas y que sus ideas de cambiar la constitucin “siguen vivas.” Tenemos que estar muy alerta a lo que pase en los prximos das.


 


Un posible escenario es que el margen de diferencia entre el SI y el NO sea mayor que el publicado y que el Consejo Nacional de Elecciones haya alterado los resultados para que la victoria de la oposicin aparezca minscula. Debemos reconocer que los estudiantes monitorearon el conteo de votos y son los hroes de la jornada de ayer.


 


Otra posibilidad es que la derrota del SI haya sido una decisin poltica inteligente y calculada por parte de Chvez para calmar a la oposicin y evitar mas protestas. Quizs le hizo caso a su mentor Hanz Dietrich, el idelogo alemn de la idea del socialismo del Siglo XXI y gran promotor de la integracin Latinoamericana dentro de un marco Bolivariano Socialista quien el da 11 de Noviembre escribi una columna expresando su preocupacin por la posicin del General Baduel. Dietrich aconsej a Chvez que coopte a Baduel ya que crea en la posibilidad que el general se convirtiera en lder de la oposicin Venezolana; un lder que hasta la aparicin del ex ministro de Defensa, no exista. Por ello, si Chvez empujaba demasiado las reformas, podra crear ms resistencia de la poblacin Venezolana contra el mandatario, dificultando su capacidad de gobernar y elevando la imagen de Baduel como lder opositor, creando ms problemas para el gobierno.


 


Por ahora, Chvez ha decidido aceptar los resultados pero veremos en los prximos das la verdadera cara de este dictador en potencia.

The US and its allies must resist Chavez

It appears the White House has been extremely busy dealing with problems in the Middle East and the crisis in Iraq, in particular. With a potential disaster in Pakistan and the threat of a nuclear Iran, US attention seems to be going farther and farther eastward.   This has absorbed White House energies up to the point where other regions of the world, particularly, our Western Hemisphere does not seem to be on the radar of an Administration working under very hectic conditions of internal and external pressure. To learn more please open the attachment.

Articulo: "Venezuela: Desobediencia Civil no es Anti-Democrático"

La Reforma Constitucional en Venezuela que está programada a ser ratificada por referendo popular, está teniendo importantes repercusiones en Venezuela. El Presidente Hugo Chávez ha estado reduciendo el poder de la sociedad civil gradualmente durante los últimos años. La actual Reforma Constitucional, que significa otro paso en la misma dirección, ha generado una reacción más fuerte. Lo que estamos viendo ahora es probablemente la protesta civil más grande que ha ocurrido en Venezuela desde Febrero del 2003. Lea mas abriendo el attachment.

NEWS:

  • Colombia: President Uribe terminates Chávez’s mediation in humanitarian swap. Uribe: Efforts for humanitarian swap cannot undermine fight against guerrilla groups. Venezuelan government regrets Uribe’s decision to terminate Chávez mediation. Chávez allegedly sought support from Colombian generals for military withdrawal. Foreign observers won’t monitor voting . Chavez Freezes Relations with Colombia. Venezuela recalls ambassador to Colombia. Colombia rules out recalling its ambassador to Venezuela. Spain to seek clarification on frozen relations. Chávez threatens to confiscate businesses. One person killed in demonstration in Venezuela. Security bodies crack down on university students. Security bodies crack down on university students. Opposition to Chávez to close anti-reform campaign on major Caracas Avenue. Fedecámaras against constitutional reform.
  • Violent Protests against Constitutional Change in Bolivia. Bolivian media attacked in protests over constitutional reform.
  • Colombian FM: Bogotá waits a clear definition of freezing of relations.
  • Mercosur poised to clinch historic trade deal with Israel, officials say.
  • Argentina Wants Both, Brazil and Venezuela, as Close Allies.
  • Chile ‘s Bachelet Says Bothered by Chavez Meddling.
  • Venezuela allegedly funding trade union rally in Peru.

View the full version of the Americas Report (PDF)

For any questions, comments, or those interested in receiving this report in the future or seeking to have their email removed from our list please contact Nicole M. Ferrand at our new e-mail address: mengesproject@centerforsecuritypolicy.org. If you have news stories that you think might be useful for future editions of this report please send them, with a link to the original website, to the same e-mail address. If you wish to contribute with an article, please send it to the same address, with your name and place of work or study.

Civil disobedience, Chavez, and democracy

 

 

The Constitutional reform in Venezuela that is scheduled to be ratified by popular referendum is having major repercussions in Venezuela now. President Hugo Chavez has been gradually reducing the power of civil society in Venezuela for the last several years. This present constitutional reform, which is another step in the same direction, has generated a stronger reaction. What we are facing now is probably the largest civil protests in Venezuela since February 2003 when groups in civil society were struggling to hold a re-call referendum on Chavez.

Indeed, in the last several years, Chavez has increased his political power and fully controls the legislature. In addition, he has manipulated the judiciary and the military by appointing officers and judges loyal to him. In the economic sphere, he has gone against the will of important groups in civil society by halting foreign exchange, and placing price controls on domestic and imported products. Venezuela is moving from a relatively diverse economy into an Arab-like oil petro-tyrannical welfare state. This situation has forced producers to stop producing, resulting in food shortages. By the same token, commerce and investment in the country has deteriorated tremendously.

In the area of human rights and freedom of expression, Chavez has encouraged violence against journalists and passed laws criminalizing opinions. He has denied jobs as well as identity cards and passports to people who signed in favor of the re-call referendum, a public referendum aimed at placing the continuation of the Chavez regime on the ballot.

It is interesting that the business association (Fedecameras) complains about the fact that petro-dollars circulating in the market are not a sign of economic strength, because there are shortages of food, medicines and materials. We are also beginning to hear again from press rights organizations that are denouncing deterioration of the freedom of the press in Venezuela and warning that further restrictions may come out of the constitutional reform. By the same token world intellectuals such as Mario Vargas Llosa and European philosophers such as Bernard Henri Levy and Andre Glucksmann are denouncing Chavez’s abuses.

This new anti-Chavez movement has been brought about by one man. He is the former Chavez Defense Secretary; General Rafael Baduel. Baduel has publicly opposed the constitutional reforms in Venezuela calling them an attempt at a "coup d’etat. As a result he has become the new de-facto leader millions of Venezuelans were waiting for. Until recently, Baduel could be blamed for allowing Chavez to co-opt the military in Venezuela and use it to strengthen his regime and for loyalty to a man who spoke about installing a socialist, revolutionary regime backed by the military. Yet, it is the same Baduel that now begins to rebel.

Whatever Baduel’s reasons were, there is no doubt that the former Defense Secretary and Chief of staff has generated a new momentum and opportunity which will be foolish for those who oppose Hugo Chavez to miss.

In the last couple of weeks students have gone to the streets demanding a halt to the constitutional reforms and protests were organized across the country. Meanwhile the government became defensive; Chavez called Baduel a traitor while Hanz Dietrich, the master intellectual of the Chavez socialist revolution, recommended that Chavez withdraw the proposed constitutional reform and try to co-opt Baduel to avoid further deterioration of the regime. The governor of the State of Anzoategui, Tarek William Saab, taking a defensive position, stated that Baduel responded to the wishes of the (American) "Empire and international Zionism". (By the way, in the past Saab allegedly undermined the indictment process of three Arabs arrested in Venezuela for having allegedly participated in the terrorist attack that destroyed the Jewish community center (AMIA) in Buenos Aires in 1994). .

In the pages of the America’s Report we have repeatedly warned that those fighting for freedom against the Chavez tyranny in Venezuela have been abandoned. The student movement in Venezuela is today the Latin version of the Prague spring of 1968. Whereas the political opposition has become flaccid, legalistic and virtually shut down by the intimidating nature of the Chavez regime, it is the non-political students who are fighting. They are not doing it in pursuit of any gains other than a way of life free of the dogmas and dictates imposed by the growing Chavista state.

Chavez’s image in the world is that of a highly distasteful leader. However, there is an unchallenged consensus that his regime is legitimate because it was democratically elected. Thus, Western common sense tells us that his removal must take place only through democratic means. The reality is that Chavez has designed a model of "totalitarian democracy" where he has used state resources to gain political power at the expense of civil society and where petro-dollars have allowed him to buy the hearts and votes of people who have chosen to ignore the fact that they have less representation, less dignity, and fewer rights. However, there is no doubt that Venezuelans are paying greatly now and will pay heavily in the future.

Democracy is not the mere act of conducting elections. Elections embody the last stage of a large system of liberties and rights that develop gradually over some period of time. Chavez is like Hamas in Gaza using elections to subjugate rights and impose his will. Chavez currently controls the electoral process. The Chavez regime is by far less respectful of the law than the Hungarian and Polish governments were during their last period of communist rule. Opponents could appeal to Hungarian or Polish law to achieve something. In Venezuela to wait for legal means to remove Chavez from power is an illusion because the successive "constitutional" reforms in Venezuela were aimed at reducing rights and the rule of law not increasing rights as a real constitution should.

This has been done in order to create a situation where Chavez will ultimately stand alone before the people with no law that restricts him and no rights that protect or empower them. This is why removing Chavez by non-electoral means is as much a legitimate act as acts of civil disobedience were forty years ago in the US South. Disobedience is an expression of rebellion against unjust laws and an unjust regime. As in the 1960’s Southern United States, this experience could have an effect of a political renaissance and open better opportunities after Chavez’s removal. Civil society must come out now to the streets and show that they are protesting not for salaries, not for or against some specific policy carried by the Chavez regime but for the sake of human dignity and a free way of life. These are basic natural human rights that Chavez seeks to p swallow as a boa does with a rat.

If the citizens come out to the streets the world will respond. Baduel, for his part generated something important. If he can convince the military to resist Chavez, this could have key consequences.

Dr. Luis Fleischman is an advisor to the Menges Hemispheric Security Project at the Center for Security Policy in Washington DC. He is also an adjunct professor of Political Science and Sociology at Wilkes Honor College at Florida Atlantic University.

Venezuela: Countdown to Tyranny VI

by the Menges Hemispheric Security Project

 

Venezuela’s students are leading the protests against Chavez’s takeover.

Venezuelan authorities say a 19-year-old man has been shot dead during an anti-government protest in the central state of Carabobo. They also say 80 other people have been detained in protests elsewhere. Officials say the incidents happened Monday as the demonstrators took to the streets ahead of this coming Sunday’s referendum on proposed constitutional reforms sought by President Hugo Chavez. Every day thousands of students have been demonstrating against the Chavez constitutional reforms.

 

There are conflicting reports about who is responsible for the death of the young man. The government says that the demonstrators killed him while the students say he was killed by the police who were carrying weapons. The detainees are in jail. Nobody knows what will happen to them or when will they be released.

 

[More]According to an article in the November 17th Economist, Chavez has dismissed the students as spoiled "rich kids" angry at the prospect of losing their privileges. He alleges that they are part of a fresh "fascist onslaught supported by the media".   The article goes on to say that the government has deployed countless counter-demonstrators against the students who hurl insults and sometimes rocks and bottles from behind police lines. An example of this was after a recent march, the campus of Central University was turned into a battlefield by "Chavistas" armed with handguns and riding motorbikes, dozens of whom passed through police lines.

 

The proposed changes to the constitution include eliminating presidential term limits as well as vastly expanding presidential powers while restricting the rights of the citizenry. In addition, the proposed "reform" would give authorities sweeping powers in the case of a national emergency, including detention without charges and controls on the news media. The plan has been condemned by Venezuela’s opposition parties, human rights groups and the Roman Catholic Church.

 

A recent poll shows that Venezuelan voters oppose the reforms by a wide margin . The polling company Datanalisis announced Saturday that 49 percent of likely voters oppose the reforms, while 39 percent favor the changes.

Separately, former Venezuelan Defense Minister Raul Isaias Baduel said in an exclusive interview with VOA Spanish service last week that he predicts Venezuelans will vote against the reforms. He has previously said the changes would amount to a coup by President Chavez.

 

Venezuela al día: Cuenta Regresiva hacia la Tiranía

Venezuela: un muerto y 80 detenidos en protestas en Venezuela

Un muerto, dos heridos y 80 detenidos es el saldo de las protestas registradas hoy en el estado Carabobo contra la reforma constitucional impulsada por el presidente de Venezuela, Hugo Chávez, la cual será sometida a referendo el domingo. El joven, de 19 años, que recibió tres balazos constituye la primera víctima fatal relacionada con la rivalidad política en torno al proyecto que abandera el presidente Hugo Chávez. El vicepresidente del país, Jorge Rodríguez, informó que 80 personas fueron detenidas por hechos de violencia en diversos puntos del país.

La versión del gobierno es que los estudiantes que protestaban son responsables fallecimiento del joven mientras que los manifestantes dicen que miembros de la policía dispararon contra el trabajador ya que portaban armas. Los detenidos están presos y no se sabe aún que pasara con ellos o cuando serán puestos en libertad.

 

Los estudiantes se oponen a la reforma ya que viola las libertades civiles y debilita gravemente una de las democracias más antiguas de Latinoamérica por suprimir los límites a la reelección presidencial y aumentar un año a la duración del mandato presidencial de seis años, entre otros cambios. Las reformas incluyen la reelección indefinida del Ejecutivo, eliminar la autonomía del Banco Central de Venezuela y agregar al nombre de la Fuerza Armada Nacional la frase "bolivariana y antiimperialista", entre otros.

 

De acuerdo a un artículo publicado en El Economist el 17 de Noviembre , Chávez se burla de los estudiantes diciendo que son "unos jóvenes ricos" que están molestos ante la posibilidad de perder sus privilegios. Chávez dice que forman parte de un nuevo "grupo de fascistas apoyados por los medios de comunicación." El artículo continúa diciendo que el gobierno ha enviado a miles de personas para contrarrestar las manifestaciones de los estudiantes. Estos infiltrados se colocan detrás de la policía e insultan, arrojan piedras y botellas a los manifestantes. Un ejemplo de esto ocurrió en Marzo en la Universidad Central cuando cientos de "Chavistas" armados y en motocicleta crearon un caos terrible en el campus del centro de estudios y la policía no hizo nada para detenerlos.

El fin de semana, el último sondeo de la consultora Datanálisis reflejó un brusco viraje en las perspectivas, con un 49 por ciento de los que afirmaron que irán a votar dirían "No" frente a un 39 por ciento que sufragaría "Sí", mientras que en su estudio anterior el panorama era el opuesto.

La Conferencia Episcopal de Venezuela reiteró el lunes que considera "moralmente inaceptable" la reforma propuesta por el militar retirado, que también ha sido criticada por universitarios y grupos de derechos humanos porque permite censurar los medios en estados de excepción.

El ex Ministro de Defensa Venezolano Raúl Baduel dijo en una entrevista exclusiva que él predice que los venezolanos votaran en contra de las reformas.

Civil disobedience, Chavez, and democracy

 

The Constitutional reform in Venezuela that is scheduled to be ratified by popular referendum is having major repercussions in Venezuela now. President Hugo Chavez has been gradually reducing the power of civil society in Venezuela for the last several years. This present constitutional reform, which is another step in the same direction, has generated a stronger reaction. What we are facing now is probably the largest civil protests in Venezuela since February 2003 when groups in civil society were struggling to hold a re-call referendum on Chavez. To learn more please open the attachment.

 

To our readers:

Due to the dire situation inside Venezuela, the staff at the Americas Report will publish daily news briefs between now and December 2, 2007 when the Chavez "reforms" are due to voted on by the electorate. In addition to keeping our readers informed of the latest news coming out of Venezuela, we also want to salute the courage of the students and all those in opposition to this latest attempt by Mr. Chavez to turn Venezuela into a totalitarian state. We welcome your comments and any information you believe is relevant to the situation. We may be contacted at: hemisphericsecurity@gmail.com.

A Nuestros Lectores:

Debido a la terrible situación que se esta viviendo actualmente en Venezuela, el equipo del "Americas Report" publicará noticias todos los días desde hoy hasta el 2 de Diciembre del 2007, fecha en la que el pueblo votara si acepta o no las "Reformas Constitucionales" de Chavez. Además de mantenerlos informados sobre los últimos acontecimientos en Venezuela, queremos felicitar a los estudiantes de ese país y opositores el régimen, por la valentía demostrada en su lucha por tratar de impedir que el Sr. Chavez convierta a Venezuela en un país totalitario. Con gusto recibiremos y leeremos sus comentarios y cualquier información relevante con respecto a esta situación. Nos podrán contactar al: hemisphericsecurity@gmail.com.

Main News:

  • Ortega angers Spanish monarch during Ibero-American summit
  • Brazil and Argentina discuss nuclear, oil cooperation.
  • Venezuelan leader eager to start nuclear program. Ahmadinejad and Chavez predict fall of US ‘empire.’ Chavez and Ahmadinejad sign 186 accords. US lawmakers alarmed by Chávez’s plan for nuclear energy program in Venezuela. OPEC summit closes in Saudi Arabia. Chavez starts OPEC summit with $200 oil warning. Venezuela’s Chavez demands Spanish king apologize. Chavez warns Europeans not to side with US on Iran nuclear standoff. Reporters without Borders criticize Chávez in letter to Sarkozy. First Chinese oilrigs arrive in Venezuela. Chávez, Sarkozy deal with humanitarian swap in Colombia. Foreign investment in Venezuela down USD 317 million. Globovisión fears termination of license by Venezuelan government. IAPA: Freedom of expression and private property are at stake in Venezuela. National Assembly interrogates three university presidents. Chávez has no proof of life of Betancourt.
  • Colombia sets a deadline for Chávez’s mediation. EU reiterates support for Chávez’s mediation in Colombia. Colombian government-ELN to resume peace talks in Caracas.
  • Alan García invites Chávez to invest in Peru. Peru’s Government to Track 3,000 Ex-convicts and Freed Terrorists.
  • Interpol Approves Warrants to Arrest Iranians for AMIA Bombing.

View the full version of the Americas Report (PDF) 

 

For any questions, comments, or those interested in receiving this report in the future or seeking to have their email removed from our list please contact Nicole M. Ferrand at our new e-mail address: mengesproject@centerforsecuritypolicy.org. If you have news stories that you think might be useful for future editions of this report please send them, with a link to the original website, to the same e-mail address. If you wish to contribute with an article, please send it to the same address, with your name and place of work or study.

Venezuela Brief: Countdown to Tyranny V


US lawmakers alarmed by Chvez’s plan for nuclear energy program in Venezuela








Are nukes on the horizon for Chavez?
Two Florida congressmen said Friday that Washington should be alarmed by Venezuelan President Hugo Chvez’s plans to develop a nuclear energy program while building close ties with Iran. U.S. Reps. Connie Mack and Ron Klein said in a statement they are concerned Iran has been “an eager partner” willing to help Venezuela develop a nuclear program.


In an interview, Chvez reiterated his interest in nuclear energy for peaceful uses and defended Iran’s nuclear research. The U.S. alleges that Tehran is pursuing nuclear weapons. “Iran is developing its nuclear energy for peaceful ends, I’m sure of it,” Chavez said. “In the same way, Venezuela is also going to start developing nuclear energy.”


[More]Mack, a Republican, said Chavez and Iranian President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s “dangerous alliance, and their desire to develop nuclear technology, should cause great alarm for the United States and its allies in the region.” He added: “It’s imperative that our allies around the world unite to prevent Chavez from gaining access to new nuclear technology.” “This new development of cooperation between Iran and Venezuela is too close to home,” said Klein, a Democrat.


 


Dos congresistas piden a Bush accin contra plan nuclear de Hugo Chvez


“Estados Unidos no puede continuar permitiendo que esta amenaza se desarrolle en nuestro hemisferio”, dijeron en una declaracin escrita los congresistas Connie Mack, republicano, y Ron Klein, demcrata. 


Dos miembros del Congreso pidieron el viernes al gobierno del presidente George W. Bush emprender “verdaderas acciones” para detener el programa de desarrollo nuclear que planea el presidente venezolano Hugo Chvez. “Estados Unidos no puede continuar permitiendo que esta amenaza se desarrolle en nuestro hemisferio”, dijeron en una declaracin escrita los congresistas Connie Mack, republicano, y Ron Klein, demcrata, ambos de la Florida.


 


El pronunciamiento se produjo luego que Chvez dijera a un canal francs de televisin que Venezuela, al igual que Irn, “est avanzando” en sus planes para empezar un programa de desarrollo nuclear y, segn los congresistas, la presencia del presidente venezolano en Irn la prxima semana “tendra relacin” con ese inters.


 


Los dos congresistas son conocidos por su activismo contra el populismo anti-estadounidense de Chvez. Klein, quien es adems vicepresidente de un grupo de trabajo legislativo sobre Irn, promovi una resolucin aprobada este mes en la cual la Cmara de Representantes expresa su preocupacin por la presencia iran en Latinoamrica. “Irn ha tenido un gran inters en ayudar a Venezuela con el desarrollo de tecnologa nuclear”, dijeron en su comunicado conjunto. “En febrero del 2006, el presidente de la cmara legislativa iran anunci una oferta de ayuda a Venezuela en ese campo”.


 


Mack dijo que Chvez no oculta sus planes de “seguir los pasos de su amigo Mahmud Ahmadinejad”, el presidente iran, y de iniciar un programa nuclear en Venezuela, y al parecer est ahora “decidido a cumplir ese deseo”. “La peligrosa alianza entre Chvez y Ahmadinejad y su deseo de desarrollar tecnologa nuclear, debe ser causa de gran alarma para Estados Unidos y sus aliados en la regin”, dijo Mack.


 


Klein sostuvo que la proliferacin nuclear “es una de las mayores amenazas para nuestra seguridad nacional”. Mack dijo que en septiembre el Departamento de Estado le envi una carta en respuesta a sus preocupaciones indicndole que “esta administracin comparte sus preocupaciones sobre la creciente relacin de Venezuela con Irn y su manifiesto deseo de entrar en una cooperacin nuclear con Tehern”.


 


La riqueza venezolana en petrleo y particularmente gas natural “debera sugerir que es el poder trmico y no el nuclear la opcin lgica para la generacin de energa” en ese pas, dijo esa agencia, segn Mack.


 


“Debido a que el Departamento de Estado comparte nuestras preocupaciones sobre Venezuela y su creciente relacin con Irn, el presidente Bush y su gobierno deben enfrentar este tema y tomar verdaderas acciones para detener este intento de Chvez”, dijeron los legisladores.